Founding Statement of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

The Irish Republican Socialist Party was established by Seamus Costello and other Irish revolutionaries in  December 1974, at a meeting in the Lucan Spa Hotel, Dublin. The aim of the party founders was to establish a new revolutionary vanguard that would combine the class and national struggles and take up the vision of James Connolly. The party was named in honour of Connolly's Irish Socialist Republican Party. This was to be a genuine party of the working class.

Later that same day Costello presided over the formation of a new republican army, an organisation he hoped to mould as the armed cadre of the working class. This organisation was known firstly be as the National Liberation Front but would soon become known across the world as the Irish National Liberation Army.

Many of the founding members  of the IRSM were veteran republicans. Following the 'stickies' slide into counter revolution, whole cumainn resigned on mass to join the new organisation.

Seamus Costello was its driving force. He succeeded in recruiting many of  the leading republicans, socialists and trade unionists of the day to its ranks.

The forces of reaction in Ireland soon took note of the emerging IRSP and decided to crush the movement at birth. State repression and counter revolutionary attacks would be unleashed on the new party which stunted its growth, but not its revolutionary message.

Costello himself would be murdered in cold blood by counter revolutionaries in 1977, an event from which the IRSM never really recovered. With the murder of Seamus Costello Ireland lost its greatest revolutionary leader since James Connolly and the struggle for national liberation and socialism was set back for generations.

Much of the founding statement of the IRSP remains as relevant to Irish socialist republicanism today as it was when written almost forty years ago. Within the short statement there are many fundamental truths and a  draft guide to action for socialist republicans. Its message should be studied by all genuine Irish revolutionaries today.

For that reason, today we republish the founding statement of the IRSP. We hope it is widely read and studied by modern socialist republicans. We must learn well the lessons of our history so our historic struggle can be carried forward to victory.

IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY
Páirtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na hÉireann PRESS STATEMENT: 13.12.'74.
At a meeting held in Dublin on Sunday, 8.12.'74, a decision was made to form a new political party, to be known as THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY. The inaugural meeting was attended by approximately 80 delegates from Belfast, Armagh, Co. Derry, Derry City, Donegal, Dublin, Wicklow, Cork, Clare, Limerick and Tipperary.

It was unanimously agreed that the objective of the Party would be to "END IMPERIALIST RULE IN IRELAND, and ESTABLISH A 32 COUNTY DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC WITH THE WORKING CLASS IN CONTROL OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND EXCHANGE".

To this end, it was agreed that the Party would launch a vigorous campaign of political agitation and education, North and South, on the following issues:

SIX COUNTIES

1/ Recognising that British Imperialist interference in Ireland constitutes the most immediate obstacle confronting the Irish People in their struggle for democracy, National Liberation and Socialism, it shall be the policy of the Party to seek the formation of a broad front on the basis of the following demands:

A/ That Britain must immediately renounce all claims to Sovereignty over any part of Ireland and its coastal waters, and should immediately specify an early date for the total withdrawal of her military and political presence from Ireland.
B/ Having specified the date for her total withdrawal from Ireland, Britain must immediately withdraw all troops to barracks, release all internees and sentenced political prisoners, grant a general amnesty for all offences arising from the military campaign against British Forces or through involvement in the Civil Disobedience Campaign, abolish all repressive legislation, grant a Bill of Rights which will allow complete freedom of political action and outlaw all discriminination whether it be on the basis of class, creed, political opinion or sex. Britain must also agree to compensate the Irish People for the exploitation which has already occurred.
C/ It shall be the policy of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY to seek an active working alliance of all radical forces within the context of the Broad Front in order to ensure the ultimate success of the Irish Working Class in their struggle for Socialism.
D/ It will be an immediate objective of the Party to launch an intensive campaign of opposition to the E.E. membership. We, therefore, intend to play an active part in the E.E.C. referendum in the Six County area and through our support groups in Britain.
E/ Recognising that sectarianism, and the present campaign of sectarian assassinations arises as a direct result of British manipulation of the most reactionary elements of Irish Society, we shall seek to end this campaign on the basis of united action by the Catholic and Protestant working class against British Imperialism in Ireland.

TWENTY SIX COUNTIES

1/ We will seek to have a United Campaign of all democratic forces against repressive legislation in the south, and against the policy of blatant collaboration with British Imperialism, which is now being pursued by the 26 County Administration.

2/ THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY is totally opposed to the exploitation of our natural resources by multi-national Corporations. It shall therefore be our policy to give active and sustained support to the present campaign for the nationalisation of these resources.

3/ Recognising that the rapidly increasing cost of living and rising unemployment are to a large extent a direct result of our EEC membership, it shall be the policy of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY to actively support the formation of people's organisations to combat rising prices and unemployment.

ELECTIONS

THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY is not an abstentionist Party, and will decide its attitude towards the contesting of any particular election, on the basis of a thorough analysis of the conditions prevailing at the time. In keeping with this attitude we have decided, in principle, to contest the forthcoming Convention Elections in the Six County Area.

As the vast majority of those involved in the formation of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY are people who have recently resigned from Sinn Fein (Gardiner Place), we feel it may be necessary to give a brief outline of the reasons for our resignations. They are as follows:

A/ The refusal of the Sinn Fein Ard Comhairle to implement the democratically decided policies on the National Question as laid down at the 1972 and 1973 Ard Fheiseanna.
B/ The lack of internal democracy within Sinn Fein. This became particularly noticeable during the course of the past year when many dedicated members were purged from the organisation because they dared to question the reformist approach of the Ard Comhairle on many vital questions. This purge culminated in attempts by members of the Ard Comhairle to intimidate delegates to the recent Ard Fheis, when many of them were threatened with expulsion if they did not vote in accordance with the wishes of the leadership.
C/ the decision of the Ard Comhairle to contest the Six County Assembly Elections, when it was perfectly obvious that the elections were clearly designed to re-establish a British controlled puppet Parliament for the Six Counties. In our view, this particular decision was indicative of the reformist and counter revolutionary attitudes which prevail at Ard Comhairle level in Sinn Fein, Gardiner Place.
D/ The unprincipled betrayal of the internees arising from the decision to take seats on local councils in the North. This decision was made despite the fact that the Ard Comhairle had made repeated statements attacking the treachery of the SDLP for taking their seats.

We are of course aware that the vast majority of rank and file members are completely opposed to this decision. We urge the ordinary members of Sinn Fein to refuse to accept this unprincipled attitude on the part of the Ard Comhairle. We call on all Republican Club Councillors to stand by the Internees by upholding the peoples' pledge which they signed before their election.
E/ The general drift towards almost exclusive participation in reformist activity, and the total abandonment of agitationary political action in pursuit of their objectives. Under its present leadership, Sinn Fein has been reduced to a position of almost total irrelevance in the context of the present poltical situation.

ORGANISATION

Since last Sunday we have had enquiries from practically every area in the country regarding the formation of branches. During the period since the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis, at least 14 Cumainn and two Comhairle Ceantair have resigned in bloc and indicated their intention of forming IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY branches.

We are at present engaged in an intensive recruiting drive, and will organise a full delegate national conference at the earliest possible date. A permanent National Executive will be elected at the Annual Conference.

In conclusion, the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY extends its support to all peoples struggling for Democracy, National Liberation and Socialism.

In Ireland, we appeal to all of those who are genuinely interested in the establishment of a Socialist Republic to re-examine their present position and give their support to the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY.

Those elected to the Temporary National Executive are as follows:

Sean Flynn (Belfast)
Manuel McIlroy (Belfast)
John McAlea (Belfast)
Charlie Craig (Belfast)
Seamus O'Kane (Co. Derry)
Terry Robson (Derry City)
Joe Sweeney (Derry City)
Bernadette McAliskey (Tyrone)
Johnny White (Donegal)
Seamus Costello (Wicklow)
Theresa Gallagher (Dublin)
Anne Webb (Dublin)
Mick Plunkett (Dublin)
John Lynch (Cork)
Stella Mackowski (Clare)
Joe Quinn (Limerick)
Tony Quinn (Tipperary

The Establishment Fears the Rise of Socialist Republicanism!

Recent hysteria in the corporate media has exposed a growing fear in the capitalist establishment at the rise of socialist republicanism in Ireland,

The latest example follows a protest outside Leinster House in Dublin, called to demand the Jailing of Ireland's Bankers when a group of anti- austerity protestors confronted Labour minister for communications, Pat Rabbitte.

 The corporate media have lined up to portray such action as criminal and have been quick to attribute the 'ugly scenes' to members of the socialist republican party éirígí. Rabitte himself has 'confirmed' that it was indeed éirígi  who subjected him to 'a bit of jostling and abuse and that kind of stuff' and 'waving Bobby Sands posters in my face saying éirígí says this and éirígí says that.'

This hostile reaction from the establishment and their attempts to portray éirígí as the big bad bogey man exposes a real fear at the heart of the establishment at the rise of socialist republicanism. The ruling elite are terrified the prospects for its long term growth and success in Ireland. Ironically it's thanks to the reaction of Rabbitte and the mass media that many working class homes are cheering éirígí tonight!

When the latest attempts to discredit socialism is combined with the on-going harassment of socialist republican community activists and the internment of éirígí spokesperson Stephen Murney it's clear to see that the forces of reaction north and south are living in constant fear of the socialist republican message. That's why the establishment is attempting to use the full power of the state and the corporate media to undermine socialist republicanism, but they are failing.

The capitalist state is right to fear socialism. Socialist republicans aim to organise the complete overthrowing of the current system and bring the working class to power in Ireland. We aim to establish a system that  through democratic central planning. will meet the needs of all citizens. Such a system will put and end to exploitation and political and economic corruption. Put simply we aim for the democratic control of society by communities, something the powers that be fear most.

 The likes of Rabbitte and other 'labour fakirs' in Leinster House are all to aware of this fact. Many of them climbed into power on the backs of the working class by pretending to be socialist republicans. Their anti- republican stories in the media and the on-going harassment by their bully boy,s only highlights that éirígí and Irish socialist republicans are getting it right.

Pat Rabbite and his cronies in the capitalist establishment should be very afraid of the 'reds under the bed'. Especially when those reds are unrepentant socialist republicans. As the on-going crisis in capitalist has shown the days of this system of exploitation are numbered. As Irish socialist republicanism continues to grow and spread its influence across Ireland we move closer and closer to the historic victory of the working class and the successful conclusion.

Onwards to the Socialist Republic!
Tiocfaidh Ár  Lá

Mobilising the Irish Working Class- Agitate, Educate Organise!

The question on the lips of many people who have attended the recent anti- austerity protests in Ireland is ‘where are the masses?’  Some who have taken to the streets have been disappointed by the numbers turning out, comparing Irish protests to those in Greece or Turkey and have begun to ask ‘why aren’t the Irish people fighting back?’

Others including some supposedly seasoned left wing activists, disillusioned by the perceived lack of working class militancy, have begun to spread the false idea that the people ‘deserve what they get’ for their lack of revolutionary action. This is a wrong idea that can have dangerous consequences on the morale of revolutionaries.

The mass boycott of the Household Charge throughout 2012, although spontaneous in nature, shows the revolutionary potential of the popular masses once organised. That boycott should serve as an inspiration to any activist who has become disillusioned it shows that the revolutionary potential of the working class, although yet unharnessed is ripening in Ireland.

When we look at the current situation from a Marxist- Leninist perspective there is clear answer as to why the Irish working class have not yet mobilised. It’s simple, the Irish working class have not mobilised because they are not organised. Without the effective mass organisation of the working class at workplace and community level, its power cannot be successfully utilised.

The ruling elite in the twenty six counties has spent a considerable amount of its time, energy and resources ensuring the Irish working class remain unorganised. Through its championing of so-called ‘social partnerships’ the state has bought off the leaderships of our trade unions, the very people who are meant to represent the interests of workers. Over 20 years of social partnership has dramatically strengthened the hand of the ruling elite and lulled the working class into a dormant and unorganised state.

Political parties from Labour to Sinn Féin have repeatedly sold out the working class leading to general political apathy in working class communities. The various factions of Trotskyite groups are the latest opportunists in Ireland whose only aim is to climb to power on the backs of the working class only to continue with the system as before.

Successive austerity budgets combined with attacks on wages, working conditions, social welfare and public services have generated anger, but when combined with the factors outlined above have given rise to an unfortunate idea amongst the working class that ‘nothing can be done’ ‘they are all the same’ or ‘we can’t do anything to change things’. This is a very dangerous idea, one that lets our exploiters get away with their oppression. A key task for socialist republicans is to target such apathy and raise the level of class consciousness in communities across Ireland.

As anyone who has even looked casually at the teachings of Marxism- Leninism or revolutionary theory knows, change is a constant, everything is in flux. While it might seem sometimes that nothing can be changed, a revolutionary knows that change is the only thing that can be guaranteed. This is a strong argument for confronting apathy amongst the masses and must become one of our key weapons in the struggle to mobilise the power of the Irish working class.
 
But how can this be achieved?
The great socialist republican leader, James Connolly had a fool proof three step programme for mobilising the masses, which can be summed up in his well-known phrase ‘AGITATE, EDUCATE, ORGANISE!’.  To build genuine links with the masses and to be in the position to mobilise them as a political and revolutionary force, socialist republicans must Connolly’s strategy into practice.

Agitate

To win the support of the popular masses of this country, socialist republicans must become the engine driving the fight in the everyday struggles of the people. Genuine socialist republicans have no interest aside from the freedom of the working class and this is their guiding and motivating force. Socialist republicans are the most advanced section of the working class in Ireland and have the revolutionary tradition and experience necessary to lead the struggle for national liberation.

 In our community or the workplace socialist republicans must be constantly agitating around the issues that are affecting the working class from wages and conditions to housing healthcare, education the defence of public services and the fight against austerity. At all times socialist republicans must link the local every day struggles of their class to the struggle for national liberation and socialism. Through linking the local struggles to the national and constant agitation we can highlight the contradictions and limits of the current system to the masses.

By constant daily agitation on the issues that concern the working class, we can win the support of the masses to our vision of a free independent socialist republic in Ireland. Through agitation we can show the masses that ‘through socialism alone can the salvation of Ireland come’.

Educate

Mass education is an important tool in the arsenal of the socialist republican. Through education we can show the working class who really holds the power in this world, teach them their true strength, confront political apathy and aim to make the masses aware of their historical role in the coming revolution.

It is the duty of every socialist republican to carry out daily efforts at mass education and revolutionary propaganda. Such propaganda should highlight the failings of the joint systems of capitalism and imperialism and explain the merits of socialism to the lives of the masses.

Leaflets, posters, newspapers the internet and social media can all become revolutionary tools in the hands of socialist republicans. Door to door work, explaining the republican position in working class communities is of the utmost importance. A key task for socialist republicans is to put the words of the great republican Thomas Davis into practice- ‘educate that you may be free’.

Organise

The class conscience of the masses can be raised through a combination of constant agitation and education. Now it is important to get the working class organised. The fight for a socialist republic will have to be organised on every road in every community in Ireland. It is only through the popular involvement and active support of a broad section of the masses that the struggle for national liberation can be successful in Ireland. Socialist republicans must position themselves to be able to organise the popular masses into a mass movement for socialism in Ireland. Such a movement will involve residents and community groups, cultural organisations, political parties, revolutionary trade unions, unemployment and campaign groups all under the democratic leadership of a vanguard socialist republican party.

Through such a revolutionary movement, with the active support of working class communities, British imperialism and domestic capitalism can be successfully challenged and the long struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland can be victorious.

Seamus Costello proved in modern times that Connolly’s three step approach to mobilising the working class can be utilised with awesome success. By putting the ‘Agitate, Educate, Organise’ strategy into practice, Costello built a strong republican base in county Wicklow and won a relatively significant amount people to the socialist republican vision.

So what steps might socialist republicans take to implement the ‘Agitate Educate Organise Strategy’ today?

1.       First and foremost socialist republicans need to organise themselves into a vanguard party. The vanguard is the most advanced section of the working class, the section that understands its historic task and the force that must guide the revolution to victory. Socialist Republicans are the natural vanguard in Ireland and already have genuine organic links with the masses.

 

Of the parties in existence today, éirígí would seem to be the most likely to become a revolutionary vanguard. éirígí carries out  good, constant, almost daily work attempting to implement the ‘Agitate, Educate, Organise’ strategy although they are a young party and have yet to gain a foothold across much of the country. For éirígí to become the vanguard needed by the Irish working class their will need to be a realignment of socialist republican and progressive forces behind the party, and although in its early stages there is evidence to suggest this is a distinct possibility. éirígí represents the most important development in the hope to build a genuine revolutionary movement in this generation.

 

2.       As Connolly and Costello showed us, Socialist Republicans must set about organising strong bases for the revolutionary movement.  Their task is to win the support of the masses to the socialist republic through championing the everyday struggles of the people in the community and the workplace. Daily agitation and educational work must be carried out by socialist republican cadres across Ireland.

 

3.       Socialist republicans must become involved in the mass organisations of the people. Where the trade unions have been corrupted beyond repair new revolutionary and militant trade unions must be formed. Taking account of the conditions in Ireland these trade unions must be active in both the workplace and in communities.  Community trade unionism will be a key factor in mobilising the power of the Irish Working class.

 

Socialist republicans must also be active in other mass organisations such as single issue campaign groups and cultural organisations, constantly putting forward the republican message and being the most militant fighters in the everyday struggles of the people.

 

4.       Alternative socialist republican media highlighting the struggles of the people and explaining the republican analysis must be given a priority. Such work is of the utmost importance to combat the strangle hold the corporate media currently has on the Irish working class. Newspapers, blogs, websites and social media must all be utilised to take the republican message directly to the masses.

 

5.       The most important step that socialist republicans can take is to begin daily agtitation, educational and organisational work in the workplace and the community. Through such work we can combat political apathy and show the masses that change is not just a genuine possibility but an inevitability. As the most militant and best organised fighters for social change, socialist republicans can win the support, trust and active involvement of the working class. It is only through consistent organisational work at a local and national level, building a mass movement for socialism up from the ground that the Irish working class can be genuinely mobilised.

 

Implementation of the above five steps would greatly strengthen the revolutionary movement in Ireland.  Only through the genuine combination of the class and national struggle can the cause of national liberation and socialism in Ireland be successful.

Seamus Costello and The Anti- Imperialist Broad Front

In many countries fighting for national liberation, the revolutionary forces are coordinated by a 'broad front'. Throughout history, coalition's of anti- imperialist groups have come together to wage a revolutionary class war that seeks to end the exploitation of the working class and establish socialism.

James Connolly understood the importance of such broad fronts for confronting imperialism. For the class struggle to be successful, the revolution must have the support of as wide a section of the masses as possible. It was for this reason that Connolly and the Irish Citizen's Army formed a broad anti- imperialist front in 1916, joining with the Irish Volunteers and Irish Republican Brotherhood. Together they would confront British imperialism in Ireland and proclaim a sovereign independent Republic.

At the triumph of the counter revolution in 1923, there was no credible force pushing for an anti imperialist front that would continue the fight for national liberation and socialism in Ireland. Republicanism suffered a series of damaging splits that divorced the masses from the revolution.

It wasn't until the 1930's and the rise of the Republican Congress, that the idea of a new anti- Imperialist broad front became a distinct possibility in Ireland. The Republican Congress brought together republicans, socialists, communists and trade unionists and brought a section of the revolutionary movement in Ireland back to the every day struggles of the people.

The Republican Congress cut through the religious sectarianism and anti- communist hysteria of the time, to promote for the first time since Connolly, a genuine socialist republicanism in Ireland. Such a movement had the potential to unite all religions and revolutionary forces in the struggle for national liberation.

Unfortunately, worker's in the Ireland of the 1930's had not reached the level of class consciences that was required. The population failed to understand that the policies the Republican Congress were advocating would mean and end to exploitation in Ireland and a genuine freedom for her citizens.

Faced with condemnation from pulpits across the 32 counties, many of the driving figures in the Republican Congress would fight and die bravely on the battlefields of Spain, in defence of the Spanish Republic against the fascist hordes. The cause of national liberation and socialism in Ireland would have to wait for another generation.

In 1962, The IRA concluded that 'Operation Harvest' would not be the battle that would liberate Ireland.  Despite heroic resistance from IRA Volunteer's against the on-going crime of British Imperialism, republicans decided it was time to dump arms and wait to fight another day.

In a statement ordering Volunteers to dump arms the IRA said ' Foremost among the factors motivating this course of action has been the attitude of the general public whose minds have been deliberately distracted from the supreme issue facing the Irish people - the unity and freedom of Ireland. The Irish resistance movement renews its pledge of eternal hostility to the British Forces of Occupation in Ireland. It calls on the Irish people for increased support and looks forward with confidence – in co-operation with the other branches of the Republican Movement - to a period of consolidation, expansion and preparation for the final and victorious phase of the struggle for the full freedom of Ireland.'

The IRA realised that it's failure to win the popular support and active involvement of a significant section of the Irish population, meant that it's campaign could not be a success. This had a deep impact on Volunteers who began to realise that clandestine and militarist activities alone would not win the support of the Irish people. These volunteers decided that the Republican Movement must win the support of the masses through active involvement in the everyday struggles of the people.

One such volunteer was Seamus Costello. A committed disciple of Connolly, Costello would spend the rest of his life trying to build a credible and effective republican organisation, that would combine the class and national struggle and win the popular support and active involvement in the fight for national liberation and socialism in Ireland.

Costello was one of the main architect's in the shifting the republican movement to the left throughout the 1960's and always lead from the front. Initially siding with the 'Stickies' in the 1969/1970 split, when it became clear that that organisation was sliding into counter revolution, Costello established a new socialist republican vehicle. In honour of James Connolly the group was called the Irish Republican Socialist Party.

Costello intended the new party to become the engine of a re-organised republican struggle. This he believed would be a party that the Irish working class could call their own. In the early day's of the IRSP, Costello won committed republican soldiers, socialists and trade unionists to it's ranks.

At the same time as be active in the 'practice of revolution in Ireland' Costello was also conscience of the need for revolutionary theory and was always looking for opportunities to win as broad a section of the masses as possible to the struggle for national liberation in Ireland.

Like Connolly in 1916, Costello believed that all Irish anti- imperialist forces should come together to confront British Imperialism and Capitalism. This he believed could create a genuine opportunity to win the support and active involvement of a greater section of the Irish people in the fight for freedom then the IRSP or republicans could hope to mobilise alone.

In 1977, to explore options of doing just that Costello drafted a policy paper which has become known as the 'Broad Front' document. Endorsed by the Ard Comhairle of the IRSP, Costello submitted this document to the 1977 'Broad Front Talks' which brought together a number of Irish anti- imperialist groups to discuss the possibility of common ground being found.

Although the talks ended unsuccessfully, socialist republican's today should study Costello's 'Broad Front' document and taking account of the conditions in Ireland today, discuss whether such an approach could be of benefit to the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland.

Is a Broad Front possible or even desirable?  What Anti- Imperialist groups if any, should socialist republicans seek to find common ground and work with today?

Revolutionary theory has an important part to play in the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland today. It is for that reason we are republishing here Seamus Costello's Broad Front document in the hopes that socialist republicans will study its merits and arm themselves with any benefits within it that could strengthen our struggle.

The Broad Front- Seamus Costello.

 

The IRSP fully endorse the sentiments, expressed in the basic discussion document regarding the seriousness of the present political crisis in Ireland and fully support the call for the maximum degree of anti-imperialist unity. We feel that genuine anti-imperialist unity can be achieved and that the basic discussion document lays the basis for such unity provided those present at this conference can agree that the document needs clarification and amendment on a number of important points.

As a socialist party, our ultimate political objective is the creation of a unified 32 county Democratic Socialist Republic within which the Irish working class will control the wealth and resources of the nation. This objective can only be achieved through the efforts of a unified and politically conscious Irish working class. The fact that a unified and politically conscious Irish working class does not exist is a direct consequence of the creation of two partitioned states in Ireland, and of the continuing imperialist interference in both parts of the country. The problems arising from this lack of working class unity are painfully obvious. The working class people of the South have been skillfully divided by the allies of British imperialism since the establishment of the 26-county state. For 50 years the Southern working class have been conned into supporting political parties who held out the illusion of radical solutions to both the national question and the class struggle, while in reality they used the working class as a power base for their continued betrayal of both struggles. In the North the Protestant working class were led to believe that the only way in which they could preserve the marginal supremacy which they held over their Catholic counterparts in jobs and housing was through supporting corrupt Unionist politicians and through them the Union with Britain. Their genuine and well founded fears regarding the preservation of their religious and civil liberties in the context of a united and clerical dominated Ireland were also exploited by the same corrupt politicians. At the same time the Catholic working class were conned into believing that their salvation lay in supporting green tory politicians who, while hypocritically advocating the reunification of Ireland, as a guarantee of their ultimate salvation, completely submerged themselves in corrupt Unionist politics in exchange for favours for the class they really represented, the Northern Catholic middle class. As history has shown, the working class, North and South, Protestant and Catholic, have been victims of the so-called solutions to the 'Irish Question' imposed by Britain and her subservient native parliaments. It is still Britain's objective to find and impost a political solution which will guarantee the continued protection of Britain's economic and strategic interests in both parts of Ireland. Britain is also acting as the local protector of the interests of other imperial powers in Ireland. Some of the EEC countries as well as America and Canada have powerful vested interest in supporting a British imposed 'solution' in Ireland. Britain also has to consider the possible effects on internal British politics of the emergence of a united and independent state in Ireland. In our view, if an independent Ireland is to be viable in economic terms, and if it is to provide a reasonable standard of living for the majority of our people, it can only be done through a radical change in the ownership of wealth and resources. In these circumstances Britain and the EEC countries would have every reason to worry about the effects on working class opinion in their own countries. Finally of course Britain's strategic interests must also be protected through the imposition of a 'solution' which will ensure that Ireland continues its present policy of pro-imperialist 'neutrality.' Every British imposed solution including the original partition of the country, the Northern Ireland Assembly...the Convention and direct rule, has been designed to protect these economic and strategic interests. The present policy of the Ulsterisation of the conflict is also clearly designed to perpetuate the division of the country, and the sectarian divisions of the Northern working class. The native capitalist class, acting through the political parties which represent their interests in both parts of Ireland have played a fundamental role in supporting British imperialist interests in Ireland. They have done so because they have now accommodated themselves to the role of overseers for the British and other imperialist economic interests. They have clearly thrown their weight behind the various solutions put forward by British imperialism over the past eight years, and will continue to do so in order to ensure that the one solution which would end their role as the native agents of foreign imperial interests does not emerge. As a party we therefore recognize the absolute necessity of securing a constitutional solution to the present crisis which will allow the Irish working class the freedom to pursue their interests as a class in the context of the development of normal class politics. In our view the first step in securing a constitutional solution which meets this requirement must be for Britain to concede the right of the Irish people to exercise total sovereignty over their own affairs. This objective can only be achieved through the creation of a unified struggle on the part of all anti-imperialist organizations. We would therefore support the formation of an Irish anti-imperialist Front composed of delegates from affiliated organizations who support the agreed political programme of the Front. The primary objective of the Front would be to mobilize the maximum degree of support for its declared objectives throughout Ireland. The Front should have sufficient support and assistance from its affiliated organizations to enable it to open a head office with a full time staff. We propose the following political demands as the basis on which an Irish anti-imperialist Front should organise:

1. That Britain must renounce all claims to sovereignty over any part of Ireland or its coastal waters.
   
2. That Britain must immediately disband and disarm the UDR, RUC, and RUC Reserve and withdraw all troops from Ireland.
   
3. That the British and 26 County governments must immediately release all political prisoners and grant a general amnesty for all offenses arising from the current conflict.
   
4. That Britain must agree to compensate all who have suffered as a result of imperialist violence and exploitation in Ireland.
   
5. Recognizing that no country can be free and independent while it permits imperialist domination of its economic life, the Irish anti-imperialist Front will oppose all forms of imperialist control over our wealth and resources.
   
6. That the Irish anti-imperialist Front rejects a federal solution and the continued existence of two separate states in the 6 and 26 counties as a denial of the right of the Irish people to sovereignty and recognizes the only alternative as being the creation of a 32 County Democratic Republic with a secular constitution.
   
7. That the Irish anti-imperialist Front demands the convening of an all Ireland Constitutional Conference representative of all shades of political opinion in Ireland for the purpose of discussing a democratic and secular Constitution which would become effective immediately following a total British military and political withdrawal from Ireland.

We feel that these demands would secure the active support of all genuine anti-imperialists in Ireland and that they should form the basis for an agreed programme of action by the Irish anti-imperialist Front. We are submitting them to this conference in the hope that we can make a serious contribution towards overcoming some of the problems caused by the divisions existing between the anti-imperialist organizations.





Building an alternative movement in Ireland

Socialist Republicanism is gaining popularity across Ireland. At this time socialist republicans are working tirelessly to build a new movement which will be capable of success.

One of the most promising socialist republican organisations in Ireland at the present time is éirígí. Formed in 2006 following a left wing split in Sinn Féin, éirígí has grown from humble beginnings in Dublin into a National movement within six short years.

éirígí are committed socialist republicans who like Connolly and Costello before them, are in the process of building a movement that combines the class and national liberation struggles into the one fight. 

As an introduction to éirígí and the work of Irish Socialist Republicans today, we here republish an edited interview with éirígí chairperson Brian Leeson.

This interview was published on the fantastic blog  'The Irish Revolution' based in New Zealand. The blog commenting on Irish affairs from a socialist republican position. The Irish Revolution Blog can be accessed here and is highly recommended: http://theirishrevolution.wordpress.com/

This interview is important as it gives clear insight into the strategy and tactics, as well as the longer term views of Irish Socialist Republicans in the 21st Century.

Building an alternative movement in Ireland: interview with éirígí national chairperson Brian Leeson

The following interview was conducted back in late 2008, and first appeared in early 2009 in The Spark newspaper. 

Philip Ferguson: Could you tell us how you first got involved in political activity?

Brian Leeson: I suppose I first became politically active in the summer of 1989 when I attended a large protest in Dublin that was demanding a British withdrawal from occupied Ireland.  It was called to mark the 20th anniversary of British troops being re-deployed onto Irish streets back in August 1969.  For a few months before the demonstration I had been becoming more politically conscious, particularly with regard to the war that was then raging in the occupied Six Counties.

What struck me most about that day was the contrast between the sheer size of the protest and the tiny amount of media coverage it received.  Despite the fact that more then 20,000 marched that day, it hardly registered on the political landscape at all.  Of course, this was at a time when state censorship by both the London and Dublin governments excluded republican spokespeople from the airwaves.
Within a couple of weeks of that demonstration I had taken a decision to become politically active.  I applied to join Sinn Féin, but at 15 years of age I was too young.  Instead, I started to sell the An Phoblacht newspaper each Saturday morning outside of the General Post Office on Dublin’s O’Connell Street – a building which fittingly had served as the headquarters of the 1916 Rebellion.

From then on I became ever more involved in the republican struggle and the Provisional Movement, which I remained a part of until early 2006.


PF: How and why did éirígí come into existence?  How would you explain your pretty rapid growth?

BL: éirígí was formed as a socialist republican campaigns group in April 2006.  Initially, there were just seven members and the organisation was based solely in Dublin.  In May 2007, at our first Ard Fheis (national congress), the decision was taken to constitute éirígí as a political party.  Since 2006, éirígí’s membership has grown steadily, to the point where we now have ciorcail (branches) all across Ireland.

As to why éirígí came into existence; what was then a small group of people thought it was time to make a new beginning in terms of socialist republican politics.  We believed there to be the political space for a new socialist republican organisation.  The growth of the party since then has confirmed that our original analysis was correct.

There is clearly a significant number of people who were basically waiting for a credible vehicle to emerge for them to join or support.  I think this fact, along with the hard work of our activists, explains our relatively rapid growth.

PF: What is éirígí’s view of the current situation in the north?

BL: The British occupation of the North of Ireland is as real today as it ever was.
In July 2007, there was much fanfare surrounding the ending of the British army’s 38-year-long Operation Banner campaign in the Six Counties.  What wasn’t mentioned was that, on the very day Operation Banner ended, a new British army campaign began in the North – Operation Helvetic.
Under Helvetic, 5,000 British troops remain garrisoned in the Six Counties. These troops can be deployed at will by the British government.  In addition, much of the ‘temporary’ repressive legislation that the British government introduced to suppress the republican struggle had now been made permanent.

Also in 2007, the British government’s spy agency, MI5, was appointed as the chief gatherer of intelligence on Irish republicans.  To facilitate this, a massive MI5 base has been built on the outskirts of Belfast.  This facility will also serve as the main headquarters for MI5 in the event of an attack on their London headquarters.

On the front line of the occupation is the Police Service of Northern Ireland – formerly the RUC. The PSNI remains a highly sectarian, paramilitary police force.  Since its name change the PSNI has added CS gas and tasers to its arsenal of lethal plastic bullets.  These ‘less lethal’ new weapons are in addition to the standard issue handguns and assault rifles routinely carried by members of that force.
On the socio-economic front, nationalists remain two-and-a-half times as likely to be unemployed as unionists (members of the population who support British rule – PF) and, in some areas, nationalists make up 83 per cent of those on the housing waiting list.

All of this compounds a deeply unequal society where working class people generally, and working class catholics in particular, are exploited and denied basic rights.  In short, the Six Counties remains a highly abnormal state and necessarily so in order to maintain the British occupation.

PF: The south of Ireland, the Twenty-Six County state, is often held up in NZ as a model of ‘social partnership’ between the state, the bosses and the unions.  What are things really like for workers in the south?

BL: That may be so, but it should be also noted that the Twenty-Six County state was the first in Europe to enter recession earlier this year.  Socially and economically, the Twenty-Six County state now rates second only to the United States in terms of inequality within the ‘developed’ world.
This fact is a massive indictment on the class of politicians and business people who have decided policy in the South to the detriment of the majority of the population.

The Twenty-Six Counties, Ireland as a whole and the rest of Europe are now in financial meltdown due to the manner in which our economies have been structured and mismanaged by political parties and corporations that have only their own interests at heart.

Fianna Fáil (the main and near-permanent party of government), their coalition partners and their friends in big business are at the top of the guilty list in this regard.
They have allowed a chaotic, greed-fuelled auction to take centre-stage in this country over the last 15 years and labeled it the finest economy in the world.  Yet, as soon as this ‘fine economy’ implodes, the hundreds of thousands of people who actually work to generate the wealth are expected to foot the bill to save those who mismanaged it.

Instead of harnessing the wealth of recent times to create first-class health, education and transport systems, the Dublin government has provided us with rising unemployment, mass privatisation and endemic child and fuel poverty.

PF: Is there much of a challenge to the class collaborationism of the union leaderships? What role does éirígí see for itself in challenging this collaboration?

BL: The whole carefully-manufactured ‘consensus’ that lauds ‘social partnership’ as a panacea for all our ills in now beginning to fall apart.  It is falling apart because the brutal realities of the capitalist economic system are becoming ever more obvious.

According to the ‘social partnership’ narrative, everyone was a winner – workers, bosses and the state.
This narrative cannot survive the utter failure of the system that ‘social partnership’ was designed to protect.

Now that the economy is in crisis, it is clear that everyone isn’t a winner.  Once again, it is working class people who are being told to ‘tighten their belts’ while the wealthy secure their gains and are supported by massive government bail-outs.

éirígí has stated from day one that there is an alternative to this dog-eat-dog economic madness and it is one based on cooperation, solidarity and participatory planning, i.e. socialism.
It is the job of every left-wing organisation, including éirígí, to fill the vacuum of ideas that exists in terms of how to deal with the economic crisis with socialist politics.

PF: One of the key things that has bedeviled Irish republicans, including socialist-republicans, since Connolly’s time is the relationship between the class and national questions or, put another way, the class and national aspects of the Irish revolution.  How do you see that class and national relationship in Ireland being linked?

BL: Connolly believed that the relationship between the class and national questions is fundamentally indivisible.  What has bedeviled Irish republicans since that time is how to build a movement that effectively deals with both. éirígí shares Connolly’s analysis that the Irish revolution has two aspects – the national and the social.

To resolve one, you have to resolve the other.

The key to socialist republican thinking is to understand that the military occupation of Ireland, and the denial of political democracy that it represents, is just one aspect of what Connolly referred to as the ‘Conquest of Ireland’.

The social aspect – the replacement of the collective ownership laws of the native population with private property relations, particularly with regard to the land – was what provided the material incentive in the English invasion of Ireland.

Any successful reconquest of Ireland must remove the social and economic system that the English brought into Ireland.  In éirígí’s opinion, any revolutionary movement in Ireland must have the resolution of the national and social questions as its core objectives.

PF: The other issue that has bedeviled the movement in Ireland is the relationship between military and political activity, or party and army. How do you view the issue of armed republican activity?

BL: Any population that has the misfortune to find itself under foreign occupation has the right to use armed force to remove that occupation.  Whether it was the French resisting the Nazi occupation or the Vietnamese resisting Franco-American aggression, the principle is the same.  And that principle also extends to the Irish context.

However, while any people may have a principled right to use armed struggle, it may not always be tactically or strategically the correct option.  We believe that there are other, more effective ways to challenge and defeat British rule in Ireland today.

PF: What possibilities are there for uniting anti-imperialists, at least around particular projects and maybe into some kind of ongoing coalition?  Is éirígí working along those lines or do you have a different view?

BL: Since its foundation, éirígí has been working with anti-imperialists and other progressives on a number of issues.  The first of these was the ‘Shell to Sea’ campaign which is resisting Shell Oil’s operations in Co. Mayo.   This was closely followed by éirígí joining the Irish Anti War Movement, which is made up of a broad coalition of groups opposed to Irish collaboration in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.  More recently, éirígí has worked within the Campaign Against the European Union Constitution, which was one of the lead organisations in the recent defeat of the EU’s Lisbon Treaty.
We believe the building of a new progressive social movement to be an essential step on the road to transforming Ireland’s socio-economic system. Such a movement will need to encompass trade unions, political parties, community groups, campaign groups, residents associations and non-aligned individuals.  Similar movements have played an important role in the recent move to the left within a number of South American countries.  éirígí believes there are lessons to be learned from these countries that could be applied to the Irish context.

PF: There are also a number of explicitly socialist-republican currents, such as the Irish Republican Socialist Party.  What is éirígí’s attitude to the idea of trying to regroup all the socialist-republicans into a single organisation?

BL: While, theoretically, the ideal situation would see a single socialist republican party we have to recognise that the conditions for such a party do not yet exist in Ireland.  The reality is that there are a number of organisations, including éirígí and the IRSP, that profess a left republican analysis.  These various organisations have come into existence for a range of different historical reasons, some of which still exist today.

While, at a superficial glance, these differences may seem surmountable, a more comprehensive analysis reveals much deeper tactical and ideological separation.  To prematurely attempt a merger or coalition of these groups and parties may well damage the tentative growth that radical politics in Ireland is currently enjoying.

In éirigi’s opinion, a better option at this time is for groups of similar outlook to work together on single issue campaigns, similar to those outlined above.  Over time, the conditions for a single socialist republican party may well emerge.

PF: How does éirígí see things in Ireland developing over the next, say, decade?  How do you see éirígí developing in that context?

BL:  The discourse in Ireland, both north and south, over the last decade has been dominated by an ‘end of history’ type analysis.  The aim of this propaganda was to promote the idea that all forms of popular struggle were finished.  According to this view, the economy, although fundamentally unequal, was fundamentally sound and needed nothing but minor tinkering with.  Meanwhile, the national question was settled, with the British occupation continuing indefinitely.

In éirígí’s view, the next 10 years will be about exploding these myths.  The truth remains that the economy is not fundamentally sound – it is on the point of collapse due to the way it was managed in the interests of the wealthy few.  Already, we have seen tens of thousands of people taking to the streets of Dublin to protest about government cuts.

The Six County state is not functioning as it was supposed to under the normalisation agenda of the British government and it never will.  The communities that always opposed British rule are witnessing the failure of British rule on a daily basis.

In light of this, I think the next 10 years are going to see a rejuvenation and popularisation of the struggle for an independent, socialist Ireland.  It won’t be easy, but we’re determined to get there.

Seamus Costello Oration at Bodenstown 1966

In the 1960's the republican movement officially adopted a socialist republican outlook. This came to be, following the period of re-organisation in the aftermath of the 'Border Campaign' [1956-1962].

By embracing socialist republicanism, the movement aimed to win popular support for the strugle for national liberation in Ireland by becoming involved in the everyday struggles of the people of Ireland. One of the leading architects of re-establishing socialist republicanism as the central plank of the republican movement was a young volunteer from Bray, Co. Wicklow named Seamus Costello.

Costello was a veteran of the Border Campaign, during which despite his youth his daring military exploits had earned him the nickname 'the boy general'. Costello was a disiple of Connolly and understood that the class and the national struggle were the same fight.

It was no suprisie then, that it was Seamus Costello who was chosen to announce the republican movments offical adoption of socialist republicanism. In 1966, in an inspiring speech made at the grave of the father of Irish republicanism, Theobold Wolfetone at Bodenstown Co. Kildare, Costello set out the new policy of the movement and laid out the position of Irish Socialist Republicans.

It is a position that socialist republicans still adhere to today and is important reading for anyone who wants to understand the political programme of socialist republicans.

We are proud to republish this important doccument on this site:

Oration at Bodenstown

Text of oration delivered by Seamus Costello at the Wolfe Tone commemoration at Bodenstown, 1966.

We have assembled here today to pay our respects to the memory of Theobald Wolfe Tone, the father of Irish republicanism. If we, the republicans of 1966, are to pay a fitting tribute to Tone, it is essential that we examine in depth the ideals for which he fought and died. He believed that the Irish people "had but one common interest and one common enemy; that the depression and slavery of Ireland was produced and perpetrated by the divisions existing between them, and that, consequently, to assert the independence of their country, and their own individual liberties, it was necessary to forget all former feuds to consolidate the entire strength of the whole nation, and to form for the future but one people."

His attitude towards the so-called 'Irish parliament' of the day is also worthy of attention. He maintained that the parliament was a totally ineffective body, that it had changed nothing in Ireland, that the social and political order remained the same, and that, as before, the real power lay with the British Government. He realized that until such time as the Irish people united and demanded their just rights that the wealth of this country would either be controlled directly by Britain, or be syphoned off with the willing connivance of a subservient Irish parliament.

 

Having seen the problems that existed at the time, Tone in conjunction with the other leaders of the revolutionary movement decided that the first logical step towards a solution was to "break the connection with England, the never failing source of all our political and economic evils."

 

You may well ask why we of the republican movement, 168 years after the death of Tone, find it necessary to advocate the same course of action that he advocated. The answer is simple. We find it necessary to advocate the same course of action because of the fact that the Irish people still do not control their own affairs, and because their economic and political independence is considered a fit subject for barter or sale by our two subservient puppet parliaments. If the Irish people have any doubt about the truth of this statement and want proof of what I say, they have only to take a close look at the situation that exists today in each part of our partitioned land.

 

In the North, the destinies of one and a half million of our countrymen are controlled by a puppet regime whose existence for some 45 years has depended on the support of British armed forces. This regime has found to its apparent delight that one of the simplest ways of ensuring its continued existence is by the furtherance of bigotry and sectarianism. Ample evidence of this policy can be found in the recent antics of a certain reverend agent provocateur.

 

These then are the means by which the British imperialists intend to maintain the people of the North in perpetual slavery. These are also the means by which the working classes are divided against their own material welfare. The pro-British capitalist class who control the economy of the North know very well that, when the people reject those who foster sectarianism, their next step will be to demand a just share of the wealth which they create. These are the real reasons why one section of the community are led to believe that it is in their interest to discriminate against another section. Never are they told that the standard of living which they enjoy, at the expense of their victimized neighbors, is theirs by right - rather are they tricked into believing that these natural rights are a reward for their support of the regime. These tactics serve to ensure that a large section of the population of the North remain loyal to the regime and at the same time do not insist on having a bigger share in the wealth.

In the 26 counties the most that can be said of the position is that it contains one evil less religious discrimination is absent. The political and economic subjection of this part of Ireland to Britain is no less complete than that of the North.

 

However, British control over the destinies of the people of the 26 counties is not as obvious. This is due in the main to the fact that since 1921 they have had the co-operation of successive quisling parliaments in order to ensure that their interests here are fully protected.

The effects of this economic subjection are obvious in every sphere of life in Ireland at the present time. We of the republican movement have no need to tell the Irish people of the sorry mess which has been made of the economy.

 

The politicians are telling us every day. They tell us that this position arises as a result of the workers insisting on having a better standard of living. Never are we told that the profits which accrue from our labours are invested abroad by the native and foreign capitalists who control our resources. We are constantly told that we must work harder for the same wages despite the fact that we have to live with an ever increasing cost of living and an ever increasing burden of taxation. Up to now we have been 'advised' that it is wrong for workers to withhold labour in the struggle to wrest a decent wage from those employers whose only role in life seems to be the exploitation of workers. The situation in this regard has now changed radically, with the introduction of coercive anti-worker legislation. We now find that Mr. Lemass, in his eagerness to please his imperial masters, is prepared to use against farmers and workers the same type of repression which was previously reserved for republicans. It now seems inevitable that the republicans in Mountjoy prison will soon find themselves joined by farmers and trade unionists.

 

We republicans must not be content to criticize those who misgovern both parts of our country. If we are to regard ourselves as true followers of Tone, we must provide the Irish people with an alternative. It must be a realistic and practical alternative. Our target must be the achievement of the ideals set out in the Proclamation of 1916 - the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities for all our citizens.

This in effect means that we must aim for the ownership of our resources by the people, so that these resources will be developed in the best interests of the people as a whole. Some of you may feel that these aims are impossible to achieve until such time as we have an independent all-Ireland government. It is certainly true that some of these aims will not reach fruition until such time as we have an all-Ireland parliament. However, in the meantime, you as republicans have an extremely important part to play in the furtherance of this policy.

 

It is your duty to spearhead the organization of a virile co-operative movement among the farming community. It is also your duty to use your influence as trade unionists to organise a militant trade union movement with a national consciousness. In short, it is your duty to become active, hard working members of each and every organization that is working for the welfare of all the people and towards the reunification of the country.

 

You should use every possible opportunity to acquaint the people with our policies on land, industry and finance. We believe that there should be a limit to the amount of land owned by any single individual. We also believe that the large estates of absentee landlords should be acquired by compulsory acquisition and worked on a co-operative basis with the financial and technical assistance of the State.

 

In the field of industry, our policy is to nationalize the key industries with the eventual aim of co-operative ownership by the workers. The capital necessary to carry out this programme can be made available without recourse to extensive taxation by the nationalization of all banks, insurance, loan and investment companies whose present policy is the re-investment of our hard earned money in foreign fields.

 

This in short is our policy. This is our definition of freedom. It was Tone's definition, Lalor's definition, Mitchel's definition, and the stated aim of Pearse and Connolly. We can expect the same reaction to the implementation of these aims from the forces of exploitation, whether native or foreign sponsored, as the originators received in '98, '48, '67 and 1916. Therefore, to imagine that we can establish a republic solely by constitutional means is utter folly. The lesson of history shows that in the final analysis the robber baron must be dis-established by the some methods that he used to enrich himself and retain his ill-gotten gains, namely, force of arms. To this end we must organise, train, and maintain a disciplined armed force which will always be available to strike at the opportune moment.

The Programme Of The Irish Socialist Republican Party

In 1896 James Connolly founded the Irish SocialistRepublican Party to demand an Irish Workers Republic. The Party was the first in Ireland to combine the Class and National struggle in the one fight.

It's Programme, published in 1896 gives a good introduction to the position and demands of Irish Socialist Republicans.  Though 116 years old the programme like many of Connolly's writings remains remarkably relevant today.

We republish it here in full:

Irish Socialist Republican Party

(1896)

"The great appear great to us only because we are on our knees; LET US RISE."

OBJECT

Establishment of AN IRISH SOCIALIST REPUBLIC based upon the public ownership by the Irish people of the land, and instruments of production, distribution and exchange. Agriculture to be administered as a public function, under boards of management elected by the agricultural population and responsible to them and to the nation at large. All other forms of labour necessary to the well-being of the community to be conducted on the same principles.

PROGRAMME

As a means of organising the forces of the Democracy in preparation for any struggle which may precede the realisation of our ideal, of paving the way for its realisation, of restricting the tide of emigration by providing employment at home, and finally of palliating the evils of our present social system, we work by political means to secure the following measures:

1. Nationalisation of railways and canals.
2. Abolition of private banks and money-lending institutions and establishments of state banks, under popularly elected boards of directors, issuing loans at cost.
3. Establishment at public expense of rural depots for the most improved agricultural machinery, to be lent out to the agricultural population at a rent covering cost and management alone.
4. Graduated income tax on all incomes over #400 per annum in order to provide funds for pensions to the aged, infirm and widows and orphans.
5. Legislative restriction of hours of labour to 48 per week and establishment of a minimum wage.
6. Free maintenance for all children.
7. Gradual extension of the principle of public ownership and supply to all the necessaries of life.
8. Public control and management of National schools by boards elected by popular ballot for that purpose alone.
9. Free education up to the highest university grades.
10. Universal suffrage.

THE IRISH SOCIALIST REPUBLICAN PARTY

That the agricultural and industrial system of a free people, like their political system, ought to be an accurate reflex of the democratic principle by the people for the people, solely in the interests of the people.

That the private ownership, by a class, of the land and instruments of production, distribution and exchange, is opposed to this vital principle of justice, and is the fundamental basis of all oppression, national, political and social.

That the subjection of one nation to another, as of Ireland to the authority of the British Crown, is a barrier to the free political and economic development of the subjected nation, and can only serve the interests of the exploiting classes of both nations.

That, therefore, the national and economic freedom of the Irish people must be sought in the same direction, viz., the establishment of an Irish Socialist Republic, and the consequent conversion of the means of production, distribution and exchange into the common property of society, to be held and controlled by a democratic state in the interests of the entire community.

That the conquest by the Social Democracy of political power in Parliament, and on all public bodies in Ireland, is the readiest and most effective means whereby the revolutionary forces may be organised and disciplined to attain that end.

BRANCHES WANTED EVERYWHERE. ENQUIRIES INVITED. ENTRANCE FEE, 6d. MINIMUM. WEEKLY SUBSCRIPTION 1d.

Offices: 67 MIDDLE ABBEY STREET, DUBLIN.