On the Struggle to Defeat Capitalism and Imperialism in Ireland

At the dawn of the 21st century, the long struggle for Irish National Liberation is far from completed. Today Ireland and her people find themselves subjected to the interests of International Imperialism. Three giants of International Imperialism co-operate and compete with each other for dominance in Ireland, namely  the US, the European Union and British Imperialism.


Between them, these three forces exploit and oppress the people of Ireland, with the aid of a domestic 'capitalist class' for their own material gain, while at the same time they compete with each other for total control.

There remains in Ireland, genuine opposition to this Imperial domination and the struggle for national liberation is close to the hearts of the Irish working class.

However the forces of Irish anti- imperialism find themselves small and isolated in 2013. While there are some very optimistic signs that the anti- imperialist struggle can be re-built, with broad appeal amongst the masses, those of us involved in the struggle for national liberation and socialism must recognise the current position of the revolutionary movement. A real, popular strategy must be put in place to win the people of Ireland to the struggle for national liberation and socialism!

In order to rebuild the struggle for socialism in Ireland to a position were in can successfully establish an Irish Socialist Republic, we must first recognise our strengths and our weakness, analysis the prevailing conditions and the main issues facing the Irish working class and map out a clear strategy for defeating capitalism and imperialism in Ireland.

It is the task of every socialist republican to win more and more people to the cause of socialism in Ireland. We can only do that by understanding the issues that face our class and by setting out a clear vision, not just of what we are against, but more importantly of the type of Ireland we are fighting for!

In short, we have to clearly identify the enemies of the working class, the obstacles to achieving socialism, the forces that can play a positive role in the anti- imperialist struggle and work day and night amongst the people to re-popularise the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland.

The first step is examining the main issues facing our class today and tackling some of the main obstacles in the struggle for socialism. It is then up to socialist republicans to put out a clear strategy to over come such obstacles and to once again, unite the working class behind the demand for national liberation and socialism!

It is the opinion of this blog that the following consist of the main issues facing the Irish working class and the main obstacles in the struggle for socialism in Ireland. A thorough examination of such issues and a clearly defined strategy for overcoming such obstacles would greatly strengthen the revolutionary forces in Ireland.

1. British Imperialism and Partition
2. European Imperialism
3. The Role of the US in Ireland
4.The Ruling Elite in Ireland/ Domestic 'Capitalist Class'
5..Working Class Political Apathy
6. Lack of Working Class Organisation/ Class Unity
7. The Current Crisis in Capitalism
8. Hostile Media

Over the next number of weeks we will be running a series of articles discussing the above and offering suggestions as to how socialist republicans might address them. We welcome submissions or comments on these topics from our readers. Just send us an email at Towardsasocialistrepublic@gmail.com

Mizen Head Anti-Land Grab Campaign Intensifies

The following article is re- blogged from www.eirigi.org

This is some genuinely inspirational campaigning from socialist republicans in Wicklow.

In the 1970's Seamus Costello led a campaign to ensure access to Wicklow's coast line, confronting private interests that tried to make profit from public land.

It's great to see socialist republicans in Wicklow continuing that proud tradition and a campaign that combines socialist republican's and a section of the organised labour movement is a very positive development.

Mizen Head Anti-Land Grab Campaign Intensifies

In recent weeks the Mizen Head Action Campaign, which is made up of members of éirígí and the Independent Workers Union along with local anglers, walkers and members of the community, have intensified their campaign against the illegal barricade preventing public access to Mizen Head in County Wicklow.

            On Sunday July 21, the campaign held a vibrant “Fish In” protest against the European Golf Club’s land grab of a section of the Wicklow shoreline. For over a decade the owners of the Golf Club have fenced off land belonging to the Irish people, denying accesses to Mizen Head. Before protestors arrived at the disputed site, the illegal barrier had been removed by the ‘Wicklow Saw Doctors’, allowing the protestors gain safe access to Mizen Head to carry out the “Fish In”.

 Campaign members erected posters at the site highlighting the dispute and the protest took the form of a hotly contested fishing competition which was won by an East Wicklow angler. On Monday July 22, the anti-land grab campaign staged a picket at Wicklow County Council buildings in Wicklow Town. The picket took the form of a peaceful ‘lock-out’ that saw the gates at the entrance of Wicklow County Council buildings chained closed.

 The colourful picket received great support from local people passing by. An hour after the ‘lock-out’ began the management of Wicklow County Council and local Gardaí gained access by sheering the large chain and lock that had prevented access to the building. The protestors then moved to the outside foyer of the building to continue to highlight the land grab of Wicklow’s scenic shoreline.

     Sean Doyle, a trade unionist from the IWU and a member of éirígí, said, “The matter of the illegal barrier on the Mizen Head was referred to An Bord Pleanála, who found there was an unregistered land strip between the European Golf Club boundary and the shore line. They also found that the golf club owner has no right to erect a barricade or claim land belonging to the people as his own.”

      éirígí Wicklow spokesperson Adrian O’Raghallaigh said, “We have brought the Mizen Head campaign to the gates of Wicklow County Council because of their lack of effort in dealing with this case. In 2005 an enforcement notice was issued by Wicklow County Council yet in 2013 the barricade remains in situ.

 This is completely unacceptable and the campaign will continue until the right of the people to access Mizen Head is recognized by all.”

For more information on the campaign 'Like' the facebook page:
 https://www.facebook.com/pages/Mizen-Head-Action-Campaign/173995486113861

Loyalism and the Connolly Approach

 

In light of the upsurge of violence from within Loyalism, tonight we republish a template outlining how socialist republicans might engage with that section of the Irish working class.

As the British seem intent to let their murder gangs off their leash in an effort to divide the community and distract the working class in the occupied six counties, it is important that socialist republicans maintain a disciplined and principled approach to dealing with the question of  Loyalism.

Below we republish the writings of Seamus Costello on the subject.

 

Within the article, based on methods previously perfected by James Connolly as  a trade union leader in Belfast, Costello sets out the template of socialist republican engagement with Loyalism. Although dating from 1975, Costello's comments are of key importance to republicans in the 21st centaury.

 

Costello's revolutionary strategy stands at odds with the method put forward from some within the nationalist community and the British establishment, that would see republicans bend over backwards and drop all principle in a programme of 'Unionist Outreach'.

 

We hope this article will be widely discussed today as it was in 1975 and that it's lessons are adopted by this generation of socialist republicans.

 

Loyalism and the Connolly Approach

 

 

Connolly had to face exactly the same predicament. In Belfast prior to 1916, you had people who classified themselves as socialists and who were also interested in ending British rule in Ireland. Their approach to the Protestant working class as on the basis of limited and immediate issues. One of the principal issues which affected both sections of the working class was the question of whether or not they could get gas and water into their houses.

 

"Some very militant campaigns were engaged in on these two demands - gas and water for the houses in the working class districts. Republicans and socialists were involved in this campaign on the basis that this was the way to unite the working class. At the same time, these republicans and socialists refused point blank to mention or even discuss the national question with the Protestant working class, on the grounds that if they did, the Protestant working class wouldn't listen to them and that they would lose their co operation on the issue of gas and water for the houses.

 "Connolly was totally in opposition to this approach. He categorized them as gas and water socialists. Today in Belfast we have what we call ring-road socialists. They are exactly the same type of people. They are, in fact, the leadership of the Official republican movement in Belfast.

 "We maintain that any co-operation with the Protestant working class must be on the basis of a principled political position. It must be on the basis of explaining fully to the Protestant working class what all our policies are, not just our policy on the ring-road. We must try and politicize them, simultaneously with conducting a political campaign to get rid of Britain.

It will be primarily an educational function, or an educational campaign directed towards Protestants in the hope at least that some significant section of the Protestant working class will understand."



Founding Statement of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

The Irish Republican Socialist Party was established by Seamus Costello and other Irish revolutionaries in  December 1974, at a meeting in the Lucan Spa Hotel, Dublin. The aim of the party founders was to establish a new revolutionary vanguard that would combine the class and national struggles and take up the vision of James Connolly. The party was named in honour of Connolly's Irish Socialist Republican Party. This was to be a genuine party of the working class.

Later that same day Costello presided over the formation of a new republican army, an organisation he hoped to mould as the armed cadre of the working class. This organisation was known firstly be as the National Liberation Front but would soon become known across the world as the Irish National Liberation Army.

Many of the founding members  of the IRSM were veteran republicans. Following the 'stickies' slide into counter revolution, whole cumainn resigned on mass to join the new organisation.

Seamus Costello was its driving force. He succeeded in recruiting many of  the leading republicans, socialists and trade unionists of the day to its ranks.

The forces of reaction in Ireland soon took note of the emerging IRSP and decided to crush the movement at birth. State repression and counter revolutionary attacks would be unleashed on the new party which stunted its growth, but not its revolutionary message.

Costello himself would be murdered in cold blood by counter revolutionaries in 1977, an event from which the IRSM never really recovered. With the murder of Seamus Costello Ireland lost its greatest revolutionary leader since James Connolly and the struggle for national liberation and socialism was set back for generations.

Much of the founding statement of the IRSP remains as relevant to Irish socialist republicanism today as it was when written almost forty years ago. Within the short statement there are many fundamental truths and a  draft guide to action for socialist republicans. Its message should be studied by all genuine Irish revolutionaries today.

For that reason, today we republish the founding statement of the IRSP. We hope it is widely read and studied by modern socialist republicans. We must learn well the lessons of our history so our historic struggle can be carried forward to victory.

IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY
Páirtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na hÉireann PRESS STATEMENT: 13.12.'74.
At a meeting held in Dublin on Sunday, 8.12.'74, a decision was made to form a new political party, to be known as THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY. The inaugural meeting was attended by approximately 80 delegates from Belfast, Armagh, Co. Derry, Derry City, Donegal, Dublin, Wicklow, Cork, Clare, Limerick and Tipperary.

It was unanimously agreed that the objective of the Party would be to "END IMPERIALIST RULE IN IRELAND, and ESTABLISH A 32 COUNTY DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC WITH THE WORKING CLASS IN CONTROL OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND EXCHANGE".

To this end, it was agreed that the Party would launch a vigorous campaign of political agitation and education, North and South, on the following issues:

SIX COUNTIES

1/ Recognising that British Imperialist interference in Ireland constitutes the most immediate obstacle confronting the Irish People in their struggle for democracy, National Liberation and Socialism, it shall be the policy of the Party to seek the formation of a broad front on the basis of the following demands:

A/ That Britain must immediately renounce all claims to Sovereignty over any part of Ireland and its coastal waters, and should immediately specify an early date for the total withdrawal of her military and political presence from Ireland.
B/ Having specified the date for her total withdrawal from Ireland, Britain must immediately withdraw all troops to barracks, release all internees and sentenced political prisoners, grant a general amnesty for all offences arising from the military campaign against British Forces or through involvement in the Civil Disobedience Campaign, abolish all repressive legislation, grant a Bill of Rights which will allow complete freedom of political action and outlaw all discriminination whether it be on the basis of class, creed, political opinion or sex. Britain must also agree to compensate the Irish People for the exploitation which has already occurred.
C/ It shall be the policy of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY to seek an active working alliance of all radical forces within the context of the Broad Front in order to ensure the ultimate success of the Irish Working Class in their struggle for Socialism.
D/ It will be an immediate objective of the Party to launch an intensive campaign of opposition to the E.E. membership. We, therefore, intend to play an active part in the E.E.C. referendum in the Six County area and through our support groups in Britain.
E/ Recognising that sectarianism, and the present campaign of sectarian assassinations arises as a direct result of British manipulation of the most reactionary elements of Irish Society, we shall seek to end this campaign on the basis of united action by the Catholic and Protestant working class against British Imperialism in Ireland.

TWENTY SIX COUNTIES

1/ We will seek to have a United Campaign of all democratic forces against repressive legislation in the south, and against the policy of blatant collaboration with British Imperialism, which is now being pursued by the 26 County Administration.

2/ THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY is totally opposed to the exploitation of our natural resources by multi-national Corporations. It shall therefore be our policy to give active and sustained support to the present campaign for the nationalisation of these resources.

3/ Recognising that the rapidly increasing cost of living and rising unemployment are to a large extent a direct result of our EEC membership, it shall be the policy of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY to actively support the formation of people's organisations to combat rising prices and unemployment.

ELECTIONS

THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY is not an abstentionist Party, and will decide its attitude towards the contesting of any particular election, on the basis of a thorough analysis of the conditions prevailing at the time. In keeping with this attitude we have decided, in principle, to contest the forthcoming Convention Elections in the Six County Area.

As the vast majority of those involved in the formation of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY are people who have recently resigned from Sinn Fein (Gardiner Place), we feel it may be necessary to give a brief outline of the reasons for our resignations. They are as follows:

A/ The refusal of the Sinn Fein Ard Comhairle to implement the democratically decided policies on the National Question as laid down at the 1972 and 1973 Ard Fheiseanna.
B/ The lack of internal democracy within Sinn Fein. This became particularly noticeable during the course of the past year when many dedicated members were purged from the organisation because they dared to question the reformist approach of the Ard Comhairle on many vital questions. This purge culminated in attempts by members of the Ard Comhairle to intimidate delegates to the recent Ard Fheis, when many of them were threatened with expulsion if they did not vote in accordance with the wishes of the leadership.
C/ the decision of the Ard Comhairle to contest the Six County Assembly Elections, when it was perfectly obvious that the elections were clearly designed to re-establish a British controlled puppet Parliament for the Six Counties. In our view, this particular decision was indicative of the reformist and counter revolutionary attitudes which prevail at Ard Comhairle level in Sinn Fein, Gardiner Place.
D/ The unprincipled betrayal of the internees arising from the decision to take seats on local councils in the North. This decision was made despite the fact that the Ard Comhairle had made repeated statements attacking the treachery of the SDLP for taking their seats.

We are of course aware that the vast majority of rank and file members are completely opposed to this decision. We urge the ordinary members of Sinn Fein to refuse to accept this unprincipled attitude on the part of the Ard Comhairle. We call on all Republican Club Councillors to stand by the Internees by upholding the peoples' pledge which they signed before their election.
E/ The general drift towards almost exclusive participation in reformist activity, and the total abandonment of agitationary political action in pursuit of their objectives. Under its present leadership, Sinn Fein has been reduced to a position of almost total irrelevance in the context of the present poltical situation.

ORGANISATION

Since last Sunday we have had enquiries from practically every area in the country regarding the formation of branches. During the period since the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis, at least 14 Cumainn and two Comhairle Ceantair have resigned in bloc and indicated their intention of forming IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY branches.

We are at present engaged in an intensive recruiting drive, and will organise a full delegate national conference at the earliest possible date. A permanent National Executive will be elected at the Annual Conference.

In conclusion, the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY extends its support to all peoples struggling for Democracy, National Liberation and Socialism.

In Ireland, we appeal to all of those who are genuinely interested in the establishment of a Socialist Republic to re-examine their present position and give their support to the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY.

Those elected to the Temporary National Executive are as follows:

Sean Flynn (Belfast)
Manuel McIlroy (Belfast)
John McAlea (Belfast)
Charlie Craig (Belfast)
Seamus O'Kane (Co. Derry)
Terry Robson (Derry City)
Joe Sweeney (Derry City)
Bernadette McAliskey (Tyrone)
Johnny White (Donegal)
Seamus Costello (Wicklow)
Theresa Gallagher (Dublin)
Anne Webb (Dublin)
Mick Plunkett (Dublin)
John Lynch (Cork)
Stella Mackowski (Clare)
Joe Quinn (Limerick)
Tony Quinn (Tipperary

The Establishment Fears the Rise of Socialist Republicanism!

Recent hysteria in the corporate media has exposed a growing fear in the capitalist establishment at the rise of socialist republicanism in Ireland,

The latest example follows a protest outside Leinster House in Dublin, called to demand the Jailing of Ireland's Bankers when a group of anti- austerity protestors confronted Labour minister for communications, Pat Rabbitte.

 The corporate media have lined up to portray such action as criminal and have been quick to attribute the 'ugly scenes' to members of the socialist republican party éirígí. Rabitte himself has 'confirmed' that it was indeed éirígi  who subjected him to 'a bit of jostling and abuse and that kind of stuff' and 'waving Bobby Sands posters in my face saying éirígí says this and éirígí says that.'

This hostile reaction from the establishment and their attempts to portray éirígí as the big bad bogey man exposes a real fear at the heart of the establishment at the rise of socialist republicanism. The ruling elite are terrified the prospects for its long term growth and success in Ireland. Ironically it's thanks to the reaction of Rabbitte and the mass media that many working class homes are cheering éirígí tonight!

When the latest attempts to discredit socialism is combined with the on-going harassment of socialist republican community activists and the internment of éirígí spokesperson Stephen Murney it's clear to see that the forces of reaction north and south are living in constant fear of the socialist republican message. That's why the establishment is attempting to use the full power of the state and the corporate media to undermine socialist republicanism, but they are failing.

The capitalist state is right to fear socialism. Socialist republicans aim to organise the complete overthrowing of the current system and bring the working class to power in Ireland. We aim to establish a system that  through democratic central planning. will meet the needs of all citizens. Such a system will put and end to exploitation and political and economic corruption. Put simply we aim for the democratic control of society by communities, something the powers that be fear most.

 The likes of Rabbitte and other 'labour fakirs' in Leinster House are all to aware of this fact. Many of them climbed into power on the backs of the working class by pretending to be socialist republicans. Their anti- republican stories in the media and the on-going harassment by their bully boy,s only highlights that éirígí and Irish socialist republicans are getting it right.

Pat Rabbite and his cronies in the capitalist establishment should be very afraid of the 'reds under the bed'. Especially when those reds are unrepentant socialist republicans. As the on-going crisis in capitalist has shown the days of this system of exploitation are numbered. As Irish socialist republicanism continues to grow and spread its influence across Ireland we move closer and closer to the historic victory of the working class and the successful conclusion.

Onwards to the Socialist Republic!
Tiocfaidh Ár  Lá

Mobilising the Irish Working Class- Agitate, Educate Organise!

The question on the lips of many people who have attended the recent anti- austerity protests in Ireland is ‘where are the masses?’  Some who have taken to the streets have been disappointed by the numbers turning out, comparing Irish protests to those in Greece or Turkey and have begun to ask ‘why aren’t the Irish people fighting back?’

Others including some supposedly seasoned left wing activists, disillusioned by the perceived lack of working class militancy, have begun to spread the false idea that the people ‘deserve what they get’ for their lack of revolutionary action. This is a wrong idea that can have dangerous consequences on the morale of revolutionaries.

The mass boycott of the Household Charge throughout 2012, although spontaneous in nature, shows the revolutionary potential of the popular masses once organised. That boycott should serve as an inspiration to any activist who has become disillusioned it shows that the revolutionary potential of the working class, although yet unharnessed is ripening in Ireland.

When we look at the current situation from a Marxist- Leninist perspective there is clear answer as to why the Irish working class have not yet mobilised. It’s simple, the Irish working class have not mobilised because they are not organised. Without the effective mass organisation of the working class at workplace and community level, its power cannot be successfully utilised.

The ruling elite in the twenty six counties has spent a considerable amount of its time, energy and resources ensuring the Irish working class remain unorganised. Through its championing of so-called ‘social partnerships’ the state has bought off the leaderships of our trade unions, the very people who are meant to represent the interests of workers. Over 20 years of social partnership has dramatically strengthened the hand of the ruling elite and lulled the working class into a dormant and unorganised state.

Political parties from Labour to Sinn Féin have repeatedly sold out the working class leading to general political apathy in working class communities. The various factions of Trotskyite groups are the latest opportunists in Ireland whose only aim is to climb to power on the backs of the working class only to continue with the system as before.

Successive austerity budgets combined with attacks on wages, working conditions, social welfare and public services have generated anger, but when combined with the factors outlined above have given rise to an unfortunate idea amongst the working class that ‘nothing can be done’ ‘they are all the same’ or ‘we can’t do anything to change things’. This is a very dangerous idea, one that lets our exploiters get away with their oppression. A key task for socialist republicans is to target such apathy and raise the level of class consciousness in communities across Ireland.

As anyone who has even looked casually at the teachings of Marxism- Leninism or revolutionary theory knows, change is a constant, everything is in flux. While it might seem sometimes that nothing can be changed, a revolutionary knows that change is the only thing that can be guaranteed. This is a strong argument for confronting apathy amongst the masses and must become one of our key weapons in the struggle to mobilise the power of the Irish working class.
 
But how can this be achieved?
The great socialist republican leader, James Connolly had a fool proof three step programme for mobilising the masses, which can be summed up in his well-known phrase ‘AGITATE, EDUCATE, ORGANISE!’.  To build genuine links with the masses and to be in the position to mobilise them as a political and revolutionary force, socialist republicans must Connolly’s strategy into practice.

Agitate

To win the support of the popular masses of this country, socialist republicans must become the engine driving the fight in the everyday struggles of the people. Genuine socialist republicans have no interest aside from the freedom of the working class and this is their guiding and motivating force. Socialist republicans are the most advanced section of the working class in Ireland and have the revolutionary tradition and experience necessary to lead the struggle for national liberation.

 In our community or the workplace socialist republicans must be constantly agitating around the issues that are affecting the working class from wages and conditions to housing healthcare, education the defence of public services and the fight against austerity. At all times socialist republicans must link the local every day struggles of their class to the struggle for national liberation and socialism. Through linking the local struggles to the national and constant agitation we can highlight the contradictions and limits of the current system to the masses.

By constant daily agitation on the issues that concern the working class, we can win the support of the masses to our vision of a free independent socialist republic in Ireland. Through agitation we can show the masses that ‘through socialism alone can the salvation of Ireland come’.

Educate

Mass education is an important tool in the arsenal of the socialist republican. Through education we can show the working class who really holds the power in this world, teach them their true strength, confront political apathy and aim to make the masses aware of their historical role in the coming revolution.

It is the duty of every socialist republican to carry out daily efforts at mass education and revolutionary propaganda. Such propaganda should highlight the failings of the joint systems of capitalism and imperialism and explain the merits of socialism to the lives of the masses.

Leaflets, posters, newspapers the internet and social media can all become revolutionary tools in the hands of socialist republicans. Door to door work, explaining the republican position in working class communities is of the utmost importance. A key task for socialist republicans is to put the words of the great republican Thomas Davis into practice- ‘educate that you may be free’.

Organise

The class conscience of the masses can be raised through a combination of constant agitation and education. Now it is important to get the working class organised. The fight for a socialist republic will have to be organised on every road in every community in Ireland. It is only through the popular involvement and active support of a broad section of the masses that the struggle for national liberation can be successful in Ireland. Socialist republicans must position themselves to be able to organise the popular masses into a mass movement for socialism in Ireland. Such a movement will involve residents and community groups, cultural organisations, political parties, revolutionary trade unions, unemployment and campaign groups all under the democratic leadership of a vanguard socialist republican party.

Through such a revolutionary movement, with the active support of working class communities, British imperialism and domestic capitalism can be successfully challenged and the long struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland can be victorious.

Seamus Costello proved in modern times that Connolly’s three step approach to mobilising the working class can be utilised with awesome success. By putting the ‘Agitate, Educate, Organise’ strategy into practice, Costello built a strong republican base in county Wicklow and won a relatively significant amount people to the socialist republican vision.

So what steps might socialist republicans take to implement the ‘Agitate Educate Organise Strategy’ today?

1.       First and foremost socialist republicans need to organise themselves into a vanguard party. The vanguard is the most advanced section of the working class, the section that understands its historic task and the force that must guide the revolution to victory. Socialist Republicans are the natural vanguard in Ireland and already have genuine organic links with the masses.

 

Of the parties in existence today, éirígí would seem to be the most likely to become a revolutionary vanguard. éirígí carries out  good, constant, almost daily work attempting to implement the ‘Agitate, Educate, Organise’ strategy although they are a young party and have yet to gain a foothold across much of the country. For éirígí to become the vanguard needed by the Irish working class their will need to be a realignment of socialist republican and progressive forces behind the party, and although in its early stages there is evidence to suggest this is a distinct possibility. éirígí represents the most important development in the hope to build a genuine revolutionary movement in this generation.

 

2.       As Connolly and Costello showed us, Socialist Republicans must set about organising strong bases for the revolutionary movement.  Their task is to win the support of the masses to the socialist republic through championing the everyday struggles of the people in the community and the workplace. Daily agitation and educational work must be carried out by socialist republican cadres across Ireland.

 

3.       Socialist republicans must become involved in the mass organisations of the people. Where the trade unions have been corrupted beyond repair new revolutionary and militant trade unions must be formed. Taking account of the conditions in Ireland these trade unions must be active in both the workplace and in communities.  Community trade unionism will be a key factor in mobilising the power of the Irish Working class.

 

Socialist republicans must also be active in other mass organisations such as single issue campaign groups and cultural organisations, constantly putting forward the republican message and being the most militant fighters in the everyday struggles of the people.

 

4.       Alternative socialist republican media highlighting the struggles of the people and explaining the republican analysis must be given a priority. Such work is of the utmost importance to combat the strangle hold the corporate media currently has on the Irish working class. Newspapers, blogs, websites and social media must all be utilised to take the republican message directly to the masses.

 

5.       The most important step that socialist republicans can take is to begin daily agtitation, educational and organisational work in the workplace and the community. Through such work we can combat political apathy and show the masses that change is not just a genuine possibility but an inevitability. As the most militant and best organised fighters for social change, socialist republicans can win the support, trust and active involvement of the working class. It is only through consistent organisational work at a local and national level, building a mass movement for socialism up from the ground that the Irish working class can be genuinely mobilised.

 

Implementation of the above five steps would greatly strengthen the revolutionary movement in Ireland.  Only through the genuine combination of the class and national struggle can the cause of national liberation and socialism in Ireland be successful.

Building an alternative movement in Ireland

Socialist Republicanism is gaining popularity across Ireland. At this time socialist republicans are working tirelessly to build a new movement which will be capable of success.

One of the most promising socialist republican organisations in Ireland at the present time is éirígí. Formed in 2006 following a left wing split in Sinn Féin, éirígí has grown from humble beginnings in Dublin into a National movement within six short years.

éirígí are committed socialist republicans who like Connolly and Costello before them, are in the process of building a movement that combines the class and national liberation struggles into the one fight. 

As an introduction to éirígí and the work of Irish Socialist Republicans today, we here republish an edited interview with éirígí chairperson Brian Leeson.

This interview was published on the fantastic blog  'The Irish Revolution' based in New Zealand. The blog commenting on Irish affairs from a socialist republican position. The Irish Revolution Blog can be accessed here and is highly recommended: http://theirishrevolution.wordpress.com/

This interview is important as it gives clear insight into the strategy and tactics, as well as the longer term views of Irish Socialist Republicans in the 21st Century.

Building an alternative movement in Ireland: interview with éirígí national chairperson Brian Leeson

The following interview was conducted back in late 2008, and first appeared in early 2009 in The Spark newspaper. 

Philip Ferguson: Could you tell us how you first got involved in political activity?

Brian Leeson: I suppose I first became politically active in the summer of 1989 when I attended a large protest in Dublin that was demanding a British withdrawal from occupied Ireland.  It was called to mark the 20th anniversary of British troops being re-deployed onto Irish streets back in August 1969.  For a few months before the demonstration I had been becoming more politically conscious, particularly with regard to the war that was then raging in the occupied Six Counties.

What struck me most about that day was the contrast between the sheer size of the protest and the tiny amount of media coverage it received.  Despite the fact that more then 20,000 marched that day, it hardly registered on the political landscape at all.  Of course, this was at a time when state censorship by both the London and Dublin governments excluded republican spokespeople from the airwaves.
Within a couple of weeks of that demonstration I had taken a decision to become politically active.  I applied to join Sinn Féin, but at 15 years of age I was too young.  Instead, I started to sell the An Phoblacht newspaper each Saturday morning outside of the General Post Office on Dublin’s O’Connell Street – a building which fittingly had served as the headquarters of the 1916 Rebellion.

From then on I became ever more involved in the republican struggle and the Provisional Movement, which I remained a part of until early 2006.


PF: How and why did éirígí come into existence?  How would you explain your pretty rapid growth?

BL: éirígí was formed as a socialist republican campaigns group in April 2006.  Initially, there were just seven members and the organisation was based solely in Dublin.  In May 2007, at our first Ard Fheis (national congress), the decision was taken to constitute éirígí as a political party.  Since 2006, éirígí’s membership has grown steadily, to the point where we now have ciorcail (branches) all across Ireland.

As to why éirígí came into existence; what was then a small group of people thought it was time to make a new beginning in terms of socialist republican politics.  We believed there to be the political space for a new socialist republican organisation.  The growth of the party since then has confirmed that our original analysis was correct.

There is clearly a significant number of people who were basically waiting for a credible vehicle to emerge for them to join or support.  I think this fact, along with the hard work of our activists, explains our relatively rapid growth.

PF: What is éirígí’s view of the current situation in the north?

BL: The British occupation of the North of Ireland is as real today as it ever was.
In July 2007, there was much fanfare surrounding the ending of the British army’s 38-year-long Operation Banner campaign in the Six Counties.  What wasn’t mentioned was that, on the very day Operation Banner ended, a new British army campaign began in the North – Operation Helvetic.
Under Helvetic, 5,000 British troops remain garrisoned in the Six Counties. These troops can be deployed at will by the British government.  In addition, much of the ‘temporary’ repressive legislation that the British government introduced to suppress the republican struggle had now been made permanent.

Also in 2007, the British government’s spy agency, MI5, was appointed as the chief gatherer of intelligence on Irish republicans.  To facilitate this, a massive MI5 base has been built on the outskirts of Belfast.  This facility will also serve as the main headquarters for MI5 in the event of an attack on their London headquarters.

On the front line of the occupation is the Police Service of Northern Ireland – formerly the RUC. The PSNI remains a highly sectarian, paramilitary police force.  Since its name change the PSNI has added CS gas and tasers to its arsenal of lethal plastic bullets.  These ‘less lethal’ new weapons are in addition to the standard issue handguns and assault rifles routinely carried by members of that force.
On the socio-economic front, nationalists remain two-and-a-half times as likely to be unemployed as unionists (members of the population who support British rule – PF) and, in some areas, nationalists make up 83 per cent of those on the housing waiting list.

All of this compounds a deeply unequal society where working class people generally, and working class catholics in particular, are exploited and denied basic rights.  In short, the Six Counties remains a highly abnormal state and necessarily so in order to maintain the British occupation.

PF: The south of Ireland, the Twenty-Six County state, is often held up in NZ as a model of ‘social partnership’ between the state, the bosses and the unions.  What are things really like for workers in the south?

BL: That may be so, but it should be also noted that the Twenty-Six County state was the first in Europe to enter recession earlier this year.  Socially and economically, the Twenty-Six County state now rates second only to the United States in terms of inequality within the ‘developed’ world.
This fact is a massive indictment on the class of politicians and business people who have decided policy in the South to the detriment of the majority of the population.

The Twenty-Six Counties, Ireland as a whole and the rest of Europe are now in financial meltdown due to the manner in which our economies have been structured and mismanaged by political parties and corporations that have only their own interests at heart.

Fianna Fáil (the main and near-permanent party of government), their coalition partners and their friends in big business are at the top of the guilty list in this regard.
They have allowed a chaotic, greed-fuelled auction to take centre-stage in this country over the last 15 years and labeled it the finest economy in the world.  Yet, as soon as this ‘fine economy’ implodes, the hundreds of thousands of people who actually work to generate the wealth are expected to foot the bill to save those who mismanaged it.

Instead of harnessing the wealth of recent times to create first-class health, education and transport systems, the Dublin government has provided us with rising unemployment, mass privatisation and endemic child and fuel poverty.

PF: Is there much of a challenge to the class collaborationism of the union leaderships? What role does éirígí see for itself in challenging this collaboration?

BL: The whole carefully-manufactured ‘consensus’ that lauds ‘social partnership’ as a panacea for all our ills in now beginning to fall apart.  It is falling apart because the brutal realities of the capitalist economic system are becoming ever more obvious.

According to the ‘social partnership’ narrative, everyone was a winner – workers, bosses and the state.
This narrative cannot survive the utter failure of the system that ‘social partnership’ was designed to protect.

Now that the economy is in crisis, it is clear that everyone isn’t a winner.  Once again, it is working class people who are being told to ‘tighten their belts’ while the wealthy secure their gains and are supported by massive government bail-outs.

éirígí has stated from day one that there is an alternative to this dog-eat-dog economic madness and it is one based on cooperation, solidarity and participatory planning, i.e. socialism.
It is the job of every left-wing organisation, including éirígí, to fill the vacuum of ideas that exists in terms of how to deal with the economic crisis with socialist politics.

PF: One of the key things that has bedeviled Irish republicans, including socialist-republicans, since Connolly’s time is the relationship between the class and national questions or, put another way, the class and national aspects of the Irish revolution.  How do you see that class and national relationship in Ireland being linked?

BL: Connolly believed that the relationship between the class and national questions is fundamentally indivisible.  What has bedeviled Irish republicans since that time is how to build a movement that effectively deals with both. éirígí shares Connolly’s analysis that the Irish revolution has two aspects – the national and the social.

To resolve one, you have to resolve the other.

The key to socialist republican thinking is to understand that the military occupation of Ireland, and the denial of political democracy that it represents, is just one aspect of what Connolly referred to as the ‘Conquest of Ireland’.

The social aspect – the replacement of the collective ownership laws of the native population with private property relations, particularly with regard to the land – was what provided the material incentive in the English invasion of Ireland.

Any successful reconquest of Ireland must remove the social and economic system that the English brought into Ireland.  In éirígí’s opinion, any revolutionary movement in Ireland must have the resolution of the national and social questions as its core objectives.

PF: The other issue that has bedeviled the movement in Ireland is the relationship between military and political activity, or party and army. How do you view the issue of armed republican activity?

BL: Any population that has the misfortune to find itself under foreign occupation has the right to use armed force to remove that occupation.  Whether it was the French resisting the Nazi occupation or the Vietnamese resisting Franco-American aggression, the principle is the same.  And that principle also extends to the Irish context.

However, while any people may have a principled right to use armed struggle, it may not always be tactically or strategically the correct option.  We believe that there are other, more effective ways to challenge and defeat British rule in Ireland today.

PF: What possibilities are there for uniting anti-imperialists, at least around particular projects and maybe into some kind of ongoing coalition?  Is éirígí working along those lines or do you have a different view?

BL: Since its foundation, éirígí has been working with anti-imperialists and other progressives on a number of issues.  The first of these was the ‘Shell to Sea’ campaign which is resisting Shell Oil’s operations in Co. Mayo.   This was closely followed by éirígí joining the Irish Anti War Movement, which is made up of a broad coalition of groups opposed to Irish collaboration in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.  More recently, éirígí has worked within the Campaign Against the European Union Constitution, which was one of the lead organisations in the recent defeat of the EU’s Lisbon Treaty.
We believe the building of a new progressive social movement to be an essential step on the road to transforming Ireland’s socio-economic system. Such a movement will need to encompass trade unions, political parties, community groups, campaign groups, residents associations and non-aligned individuals.  Similar movements have played an important role in the recent move to the left within a number of South American countries.  éirígí believes there are lessons to be learned from these countries that could be applied to the Irish context.

PF: There are also a number of explicitly socialist-republican currents, such as the Irish Republican Socialist Party.  What is éirígí’s attitude to the idea of trying to regroup all the socialist-republicans into a single organisation?

BL: While, theoretically, the ideal situation would see a single socialist republican party we have to recognise that the conditions for such a party do not yet exist in Ireland.  The reality is that there are a number of organisations, including éirígí and the IRSP, that profess a left republican analysis.  These various organisations have come into existence for a range of different historical reasons, some of which still exist today.

While, at a superficial glance, these differences may seem surmountable, a more comprehensive analysis reveals much deeper tactical and ideological separation.  To prematurely attempt a merger or coalition of these groups and parties may well damage the tentative growth that radical politics in Ireland is currently enjoying.

In éirigi’s opinion, a better option at this time is for groups of similar outlook to work together on single issue campaigns, similar to those outlined above.  Over time, the conditions for a single socialist republican party may well emerge.

PF: How does éirígí see things in Ireland developing over the next, say, decade?  How do you see éirígí developing in that context?

BL:  The discourse in Ireland, both north and south, over the last decade has been dominated by an ‘end of history’ type analysis.  The aim of this propaganda was to promote the idea that all forms of popular struggle were finished.  According to this view, the economy, although fundamentally unequal, was fundamentally sound and needed nothing but minor tinkering with.  Meanwhile, the national question was settled, with the British occupation continuing indefinitely.

In éirígí’s view, the next 10 years will be about exploding these myths.  The truth remains that the economy is not fundamentally sound – it is on the point of collapse due to the way it was managed in the interests of the wealthy few.  Already, we have seen tens of thousands of people taking to the streets of Dublin to protest about government cuts.

The Six County state is not functioning as it was supposed to under the normalisation agenda of the British government and it never will.  The communities that always opposed British rule are witnessing the failure of British rule on a daily basis.

In light of this, I think the next 10 years are going to see a rejuvenation and popularisation of the struggle for an independent, socialist Ireland.  It won’t be easy, but we’re determined to get there.

Seamus Costello Oration at Bodenstown 1966

In the 1960's the republican movement officially adopted a socialist republican outlook. This came to be, following the period of re-organisation in the aftermath of the 'Border Campaign' [1956-1962].

By embracing socialist republicanism, the movement aimed to win popular support for the strugle for national liberation in Ireland by becoming involved in the everyday struggles of the people of Ireland. One of the leading architects of re-establishing socialist republicanism as the central plank of the republican movement was a young volunteer from Bray, Co. Wicklow named Seamus Costello.

Costello was a veteran of the Border Campaign, during which despite his youth his daring military exploits had earned him the nickname 'the boy general'. Costello was a disiple of Connolly and understood that the class and the national struggle were the same fight.

It was no suprisie then, that it was Seamus Costello who was chosen to announce the republican movments offical adoption of socialist republicanism. In 1966, in an inspiring speech made at the grave of the father of Irish republicanism, Theobold Wolfetone at Bodenstown Co. Kildare, Costello set out the new policy of the movement and laid out the position of Irish Socialist Republicans.

It is a position that socialist republicans still adhere to today and is important reading for anyone who wants to understand the political programme of socialist republicans.

We are proud to republish this important doccument on this site:

Oration at Bodenstown

Text of oration delivered by Seamus Costello at the Wolfe Tone commemoration at Bodenstown, 1966.

We have assembled here today to pay our respects to the memory of Theobald Wolfe Tone, the father of Irish republicanism. If we, the republicans of 1966, are to pay a fitting tribute to Tone, it is essential that we examine in depth the ideals for which he fought and died. He believed that the Irish people "had but one common interest and one common enemy; that the depression and slavery of Ireland was produced and perpetrated by the divisions existing between them, and that, consequently, to assert the independence of their country, and their own individual liberties, it was necessary to forget all former feuds to consolidate the entire strength of the whole nation, and to form for the future but one people."

His attitude towards the so-called 'Irish parliament' of the day is also worthy of attention. He maintained that the parliament was a totally ineffective body, that it had changed nothing in Ireland, that the social and political order remained the same, and that, as before, the real power lay with the British Government. He realized that until such time as the Irish people united and demanded their just rights that the wealth of this country would either be controlled directly by Britain, or be syphoned off with the willing connivance of a subservient Irish parliament.

 

Having seen the problems that existed at the time, Tone in conjunction with the other leaders of the revolutionary movement decided that the first logical step towards a solution was to "break the connection with England, the never failing source of all our political and economic evils."

 

You may well ask why we of the republican movement, 168 years after the death of Tone, find it necessary to advocate the same course of action that he advocated. The answer is simple. We find it necessary to advocate the same course of action because of the fact that the Irish people still do not control their own affairs, and because their economic and political independence is considered a fit subject for barter or sale by our two subservient puppet parliaments. If the Irish people have any doubt about the truth of this statement and want proof of what I say, they have only to take a close look at the situation that exists today in each part of our partitioned land.

 

In the North, the destinies of one and a half million of our countrymen are controlled by a puppet regime whose existence for some 45 years has depended on the support of British armed forces. This regime has found to its apparent delight that one of the simplest ways of ensuring its continued existence is by the furtherance of bigotry and sectarianism. Ample evidence of this policy can be found in the recent antics of a certain reverend agent provocateur.

 

These then are the means by which the British imperialists intend to maintain the people of the North in perpetual slavery. These are also the means by which the working classes are divided against their own material welfare. The pro-British capitalist class who control the economy of the North know very well that, when the people reject those who foster sectarianism, their next step will be to demand a just share of the wealth which they create. These are the real reasons why one section of the community are led to believe that it is in their interest to discriminate against another section. Never are they told that the standard of living which they enjoy, at the expense of their victimized neighbors, is theirs by right - rather are they tricked into believing that these natural rights are a reward for their support of the regime. These tactics serve to ensure that a large section of the population of the North remain loyal to the regime and at the same time do not insist on having a bigger share in the wealth.

In the 26 counties the most that can be said of the position is that it contains one evil less religious discrimination is absent. The political and economic subjection of this part of Ireland to Britain is no less complete than that of the North.

 

However, British control over the destinies of the people of the 26 counties is not as obvious. This is due in the main to the fact that since 1921 they have had the co-operation of successive quisling parliaments in order to ensure that their interests here are fully protected.

The effects of this economic subjection are obvious in every sphere of life in Ireland at the present time. We of the republican movement have no need to tell the Irish people of the sorry mess which has been made of the economy.

 

The politicians are telling us every day. They tell us that this position arises as a result of the workers insisting on having a better standard of living. Never are we told that the profits which accrue from our labours are invested abroad by the native and foreign capitalists who control our resources. We are constantly told that we must work harder for the same wages despite the fact that we have to live with an ever increasing cost of living and an ever increasing burden of taxation. Up to now we have been 'advised' that it is wrong for workers to withhold labour in the struggle to wrest a decent wage from those employers whose only role in life seems to be the exploitation of workers. The situation in this regard has now changed radically, with the introduction of coercive anti-worker legislation. We now find that Mr. Lemass, in his eagerness to please his imperial masters, is prepared to use against farmers and workers the same type of repression which was previously reserved for republicans. It now seems inevitable that the republicans in Mountjoy prison will soon find themselves joined by farmers and trade unionists.

 

We republicans must not be content to criticize those who misgovern both parts of our country. If we are to regard ourselves as true followers of Tone, we must provide the Irish people with an alternative. It must be a realistic and practical alternative. Our target must be the achievement of the ideals set out in the Proclamation of 1916 - the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities for all our citizens.

This in effect means that we must aim for the ownership of our resources by the people, so that these resources will be developed in the best interests of the people as a whole. Some of you may feel that these aims are impossible to achieve until such time as we have an independent all-Ireland government. It is certainly true that some of these aims will not reach fruition until such time as we have an all-Ireland parliament. However, in the meantime, you as republicans have an extremely important part to play in the furtherance of this policy.

 

It is your duty to spearhead the organization of a virile co-operative movement among the farming community. It is also your duty to use your influence as trade unionists to organise a militant trade union movement with a national consciousness. In short, it is your duty to become active, hard working members of each and every organization that is working for the welfare of all the people and towards the reunification of the country.

 

You should use every possible opportunity to acquaint the people with our policies on land, industry and finance. We believe that there should be a limit to the amount of land owned by any single individual. We also believe that the large estates of absentee landlords should be acquired by compulsory acquisition and worked on a co-operative basis with the financial and technical assistance of the State.

 

In the field of industry, our policy is to nationalize the key industries with the eventual aim of co-operative ownership by the workers. The capital necessary to carry out this programme can be made available without recourse to extensive taxation by the nationalization of all banks, insurance, loan and investment companies whose present policy is the re-investment of our hard earned money in foreign fields.

 

This in short is our policy. This is our definition of freedom. It was Tone's definition, Lalor's definition, Mitchel's definition, and the stated aim of Pearse and Connolly. We can expect the same reaction to the implementation of these aims from the forces of exploitation, whether native or foreign sponsored, as the originators received in '98, '48, '67 and 1916. Therefore, to imagine that we can establish a republic solely by constitutional means is utter folly. The lesson of history shows that in the final analysis the robber baron must be dis-established by the some methods that he used to enrich himself and retain his ill-gotten gains, namely, force of arms. To this end we must organise, train, and maintain a disciplined armed force which will always be available to strike at the opportune moment.

The Programme Of The Irish Socialist Republican Party

In 1896 James Connolly founded the Irish SocialistRepublican Party to demand an Irish Workers Republic. The Party was the first in Ireland to combine the Class and National struggle in the one fight.

It's Programme, published in 1896 gives a good introduction to the position and demands of Irish Socialist Republicans.  Though 116 years old the programme like many of Connolly's writings remains remarkably relevant today.

We republish it here in full:

Irish Socialist Republican Party

(1896)

"The great appear great to us only because we are on our knees; LET US RISE."

OBJECT

Establishment of AN IRISH SOCIALIST REPUBLIC based upon the public ownership by the Irish people of the land, and instruments of production, distribution and exchange. Agriculture to be administered as a public function, under boards of management elected by the agricultural population and responsible to them and to the nation at large. All other forms of labour necessary to the well-being of the community to be conducted on the same principles.

PROGRAMME

As a means of organising the forces of the Democracy in preparation for any struggle which may precede the realisation of our ideal, of paving the way for its realisation, of restricting the tide of emigration by providing employment at home, and finally of palliating the evils of our present social system, we work by political means to secure the following measures:

1. Nationalisation of railways and canals.
2. Abolition of private banks and money-lending institutions and establishments of state banks, under popularly elected boards of directors, issuing loans at cost.
3. Establishment at public expense of rural depots for the most improved agricultural machinery, to be lent out to the agricultural population at a rent covering cost and management alone.
4. Graduated income tax on all incomes over #400 per annum in order to provide funds for pensions to the aged, infirm and widows and orphans.
5. Legislative restriction of hours of labour to 48 per week and establishment of a minimum wage.
6. Free maintenance for all children.
7. Gradual extension of the principle of public ownership and supply to all the necessaries of life.
8. Public control and management of National schools by boards elected by popular ballot for that purpose alone.
9. Free education up to the highest university grades.
10. Universal suffrage.

THE IRISH SOCIALIST REPUBLICAN PARTY

That the agricultural and industrial system of a free people, like their political system, ought to be an accurate reflex of the democratic principle by the people for the people, solely in the interests of the people.

That the private ownership, by a class, of the land and instruments of production, distribution and exchange, is opposed to this vital principle of justice, and is the fundamental basis of all oppression, national, political and social.

That the subjection of one nation to another, as of Ireland to the authority of the British Crown, is a barrier to the free political and economic development of the subjected nation, and can only serve the interests of the exploiting classes of both nations.

That, therefore, the national and economic freedom of the Irish people must be sought in the same direction, viz., the establishment of an Irish Socialist Republic, and the consequent conversion of the means of production, distribution and exchange into the common property of society, to be held and controlled by a democratic state in the interests of the entire community.

That the conquest by the Social Democracy of political power in Parliament, and on all public bodies in Ireland, is the readiest and most effective means whereby the revolutionary forces may be organised and disciplined to attain that end.

BRANCHES WANTED EVERYWHERE. ENQUIRIES INVITED. ENTRANCE FEE, 6d. MINIMUM. WEEKLY SUBSCRIPTION 1d.

Offices: 67 MIDDLE ABBEY STREET, DUBLIN.

For What Died the Sons and Daughters of Róisín?

This article will briefly set out the prevailing political conditions in Ireland today. It will also begin a discussion on the key tasks for socialist republicans.

The conditions in Ireland Today
Since 1169, when the ruling class of Britain first invaded Ireland, our country has been a colony. Throughout our history, the people of Ireland have been exploited and our nations wealth and resources have been plundered by various ruling elites. Despite the passage of time- more then 800 years, the situation in Ireland remains much the same.

Today Ireland is still a colony. The national territory of Ireland is divided into two colonial states. The six most north eastern counties are illegally occupied by Britain. The rest of Ireland, the Twenty Six county state, was since the partition of the country in 1920, a neo- colonial British state. However, in recent times this neo- colonialism has been replaced by full blown European imperialism. Today, the Twenty Six Counties finds itself under the imperial rule of the EU/ IMF/ ECB 'Trokia'.

The Six County State
The British imperial occupation of the Six County state is an obvious one. It is maintained by coercion and the force of arms. Today, Britain's military Garrison in Ireland is made up of:

• 5,000 Full Combat Troops
• 9,000 Paramilitary Police
• Hundreds of MI5/MI6 spies and agents.

Despite generations of a war for national liberation, today the British occupation may seem as strong as ever. This requires a short explanation. In 1998, the British dealt a crushing blow to the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland with the signing of a new Anglo- Irish Treaty, the Good Friday Agreement [GFA]. This defeat lay in the success the British had in persuading former republicans to administer British rule in Ireland.

The 1998 Treaty set the republican struggle back for almost a decade. Thankfully today, the republican movement is steadily rebuilding and reorganising. This time it is unashamedly demanding an Irish Socialist Republic.

The Twenty Six County State
On the face of it, the Twenty Six Counties is a functioning liberal democracy. However lifting the thin veil of this disguise, the picture becomes alot clearer. The limited sovereignty of the parliament at Leinster House, granted by the British in 1920, has been completely eroded. The EU/IMF/ECB Troika are in total control of governing policy in the 26 counties. Under their command the Irish ruling class are engaging in an unprecedented attack on the Irish Working Class.

Living Standards and conditions which have been hard fought for by workers organisations over the past 100 years in the firing line. Mass unemployment and emigration are widespread. Funding for health, education, social welfare and other vital public and community services have suffered 'slash and burn' cuts to facilitate the bailout of the private banking sector.

In an effort to pay for that bailout, the Twenty Six County state is facing into it's 6th austerity budget. Austerity has hit the working class and our communities hardest. The ruling elite are attempting to make workers, their families and communities pay for a crisis they did not create.

Despite all this, Ireland remains one of the wealthiest nations in the world. The wealth is just in the wrong hands! Just 1% of the population owns 34% of the wealth. Our natural resources including Ireland's Oil and Gas reserves have been sold of to the highest bidder and are being raped by multi-  national corporations such as Royal Dutch Shell.

For what died the sons and daughters of Róisín? Was it Greed?

Key Tasks for Socialist Republicans
This is the situation facing Irish Socialist Republicans today. The situation as outlined above presents us with many difficulties which must be overcome. These prevailing conditions also present the revolutionary movement with fantastic opportunity. Our message is potentially reaching very fertile ground.

Some of the key tasks facing Irish Socialist Republicans in this time include:

• Highlighting the nature of the British occupation of the Six Counties and the nature of  European Imperial control over the Twenty Six Counties and opposing them.
• Rebuilding a socialist republican movement capable of successfully challenging British Imperialism and domestic capitalism.
• Becoming relevant to the Irish Working Class.
• Agitate, Educate and Organise around issues which are effecting their every day lives.
•  Build a mass movement with organic roots in working class communities the length and breath of Ireland.
• Make socialist republicanism the engine of the peoples resistance.
• Organise the people to empower their communities and popularise the demand for a socialist republic in the process.

In the coming months we will expand on these key tasks and identify and discuss more.

The most pressing task for all socialist republicans is to get active in your community and start building the resistance! By building locally, radicalising our communities and winning people to the idea of a socialist republic a solid lasting base for the revolutionary movement can be established.

Forward to the socialist republic!

Beirígí Bua!

Onwards to Victory- Build the Socialist Repubican Struggle!

Towards A Socialist Republic, is a new site, which aims to put forward clear arguments in favour of  smashing the capitalist system and the establishment of an Irish Socialist Republic!

The team behind this site are active socialist republicans, who feel the need to create a space for debate and discussion of issues of relevance to socialists and republicans, both in Ireland and Internationally.

We also aim to use this site to promote socialist republicanism amongst the Irish Working Class and to re-popularise the writings of great Irish socialist republicans such as James Fintan Lalor, James Connolly, Liam Mellows and Seamus Costello.  The writings of these heroic socialist republican activists can provide important advice and teachings for those struggling for socialism today.

As we begin this project, capitalism is in its deepest crisis of our era. It is becoming abundantly clear to many millions across the globe that capitalism is not working. Different solutions are being put forward that aim to end the crisis. It is our opinion ‘that from socialism alone, can the salvation of mankind come’. Capitalism cannot be reformed- it must be overthrown.

We believe, as did James Connolly, that ‘Only the Irish working class remain as the incorruptible inheritors of the fight for Freedom In Ireland ‘.  

We assert that the class struggle and the struggle for national liberation are one and the same. There can be no parliamentary road to socialism. In the fight to establish an Irish Socialist Republic, domestic capitalism and British and European imperialism must be overthrown by a mass movement for socialism. We are aware that this is no easy task. Our explioters will not give up their power without a fight. However we believe the conditions of the latest capitalist crisis are very favourable for a re-popularisation of Irish Socialist Republicanism!

We believe that by using the writings of Marx, Lenin, Connolly and Costello as a guide, and applying their teachings to the conditions of Ireland in the 21^st century, the Irish Working Class has a roadmap to victory!

This site will offer comment on current affairs from an unashamedly socialist republican position. We will put forward the Irish case for socialism, and assess the current social, cultural, economic, and political conditions of today’s Ireland.

To broaden the debate, we also invite articles and comments from other socialists and republicans and will share interesting articles from our international comrades that may be of interest to the struggle in Ireland.

If you are interested in submitting an article for consideration for this site, please email towardsasocialistrepublic@gmail.com

‘Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools of thought contend’

Forward to the socialist republic!

Beirígi Bua!