The precarious working class

The following is a very insightful piece published in this months 'Socialist Voice', the journal of the Communist Party of Ireland. http://www.communistpartyofireland.ie/sv/index.html

It covers a range of issues facing the working class and working people in Ireland, and is a must read for anyone interested in fighting for workers rights in today's conditions.

 

The precarious working class

Increasing numbers of workers are being condemned to jobs that offer no security of employment, no fixed hours of work, and very little prospect of achieving a decent standard of living.

     This is nothing new, as anyone who has read The Ragged-Trousered Philanthropists knows; but the number is increasing significantly in Ireland, and indeed globally, and it is now clear that the debt socialised by the state is being used as the context for a restructuring of the economy as a low-wage, low-security economy, undoing a century of hard-won gains by trade union and socialist activists.
     In Ireland, Greece and Portugal, as well as countries that have applied for membership of the EU, unelected bureaucrats and central bankers impose not only debt and privatisation but labour “reforms” and industrial relations reforms that are restructuring society to meet the needs of highly mobile and aggressive capital. In other EU counties, including Germany, “partnership” arrangements are used to implement similar structural changes that protect older permanent employees while facilitating the restructuring towards precarious work.

     These are significant changes that, a hundred years after the 1913 Lock-out, are undoing a century of labour victories and progress for working people, shocking (in the sense of Naomi Klein’s Shock Doctrine) society backwards. This crisis is being used to transform society even further towards the needs of capital and towards the very basic level of pay required to reproduce just enough of labour globally to maintain the working class for the needs of capital. Subsistence living and poverty are a reality for many workers, never mind the plight of the billions of unemployed.

     An insight provided by Marxist political economy (and bourgeois political economists, including Adam Smith) is the labour theory of value, which sees the price of a commodity fluctuate above or below the amount of labour involved in producing it. Viewing labour itself as a commodity suggests that its value (translated into wages on the market) is what is required to sustain itself and reproduce itself for capital’s exploitation. So, in essence, all capital wants to pay a worker is enough to train them, keep them going while at the optimum working age, and have children so that future labour exists. Capital has no interest in what happens outside your working hours or in your older years.
     This was the reality for most workers a hundred years ago, and now we are returning to the same.
     The generally accepted definition of precarious work is instability, lack of protection, insecurity, and social and economic vulnerability. Its features are low pay, 0-hour contracts, agency work, fixed-term contracts, part-time work and underemployment, low skill with few opportunities for training or career advancement, easy hiring and firing and quick turnover, and a lack of social welfare once unemployed. In Ireland we’ve also seen the dismantling of joint labour committees and pressure on the minimum wage.

     The right wing present precarious work as positive flexibility, giving workers more control and “ownership” of their lives; as one business commentator, Peter Shawn Taylor, put it, “the trend marks an advantage for workers as well, who gain more control over their work-life relationships.”
     We know that the reality is in fact the opposite. Precarious work makes it impossible for workers and their families to budget, plan, or save sufficiently. It complicates child-care arrangements. It can have a serious effect on social welfare claims, in particular lone parent’s allowance. It divides workers between longer-serving permanent employees and newer employees. It creates divisions within unions and ultimately weakens labour, to the benefit of capital.

     0-hour contracts, in particular, leave workers at the mercy of their employers in getting enough hours and appropriate hours. This puts them at the mercy of their managers and prevents union activism or any dissension in the work-place. It is used as a tool for disciplining and controlling workers.

     In the EU 15 temporary employment has risen from 8 per cent of the work force in the late 1980s to its present level of 15 per cent. In Germany, the so-called employment miracle, 7¾ million people were in atypical employment; over a period of ten years this figure has increased by 46 per cent. Contrary to the popular image, about a fifth of all workers in Germany are in low-paid work—a significant increase over previous decades.

     4.9 million workers in Germany qualify for state support. In the metal industries, since the beginning of the crisis only 5 per cent of new employees have been permanent, the rest agency workers or contract workers. In one BMW plant 30 per cent of the workers are on temporary contracts.

     A tenth of Mexico’s work force are employed by temporary agencies. There are an estimated 1.4 million agency workers in Britain. Nokia in China employs 30 per cent of its work force through agencies. More than half of all electronics workers in Thailand are agency workers.
     In Ireland a fifth of all workers are now in low-paid work. Part-time work has grown from 16 per cent of the work force in 2006 to 24 per cent. 56 per cent of workers surveyed in the retail industry had part-time contracts, and 45 per cent reported that their hours change at least monthly, preventing any possible budgeting and greatly restricting access to credit, loans, or mortgages.

     Young workers and women workers are far more likely to be in precarious work. And the Government, through the “Job Bridge” scheme, has in effect given the green light to all private-sector employers to embrace precarious work as the model employment contract of the future.
     As we can see, the growth in precarious work is not unique to Ireland: it is truly part of the global economic system. It is a growing feature of capitalism in the twenty-first century. Employers are actively using precarious work to shift the cost of declining profit and stagnation onto workers. It comes as a consequence of the weakness of the labour movement but also significantly weakens labour in the process.

     Unions will testify that organising 0-hour contract workers is extremely difficult, as the ability to increase or reduce hours of work is used to “discipline” workers and prevent union leaders emerging from the shop floor. The European Union is actively promoting this in what it calls its “flexicurity” model—though it is significantly lacking in security for workers—in its aggressive attempts to regain lost competitiveness against India, Russia, China, the United States, and elsewhere.
     The challenge this presents to socialists and the labour movement is real. Not only is it hurting our class, it is weakening our ability to mobilise our class for progressive change. The Turkish sociologist Fatma Ülkü Selçuk presents the challenge thus:

If the unions cannot succeed in introducing effective measures against growing unemployment and precarious work, the workers’ movement will suffer a serious defeat. Just as capitalists undermine unionized workers in the formal sector with the threat of giving their jobs to the unorganized in the informal sector, they discipline all workers by threatening to replace them with the unemployed. It is clear that unless unions develop effective forms of struggle, they will sooner or later vanish from the scene of history. Yet, there is hope and it is growing stronger. If unions organize the unemployed and the informal sector workers, they can present a serious challenge to the anti-union current and start healing the wounds of the labor movement.

As a class-conscious movement and party, how do we confront this challenge? There is increasing grass-roots mobilisation within unions, but it is disorganised and apolitical. There is also increasing talk of restructuring at the top, but this appears to be for placing the movement even further under the thumb of the Labour Party and stripping it of its own independent vision of society. Restructuring without the radical political change required to organise the unemployed and precarious work force will do nothing to reverse the decline in membership or help us to find again our industrial leverage.      James Connolly recognised this and warned of the folly of mergers and restructuring without revolutionary politics:

Recently I have been complaining in this column and elsewhere of the tendency in the Labour movement to mistake mere concentration upon the industrial field for essentially revolutionary advance. My point was that the amalgamation or federation of unions, unless carried out by men and women with the proper revolutionary spirit, was as likely to create new obstacles in the way of effective warfare, as to make that warfare possible. The argument was reinforced by citations of what is taking place in the ranks of the railwaymen and in the transport industry. There we find that the amalgamations and federations are rapidly becoming engines for steam-rollering or suppressing all manifestations of revolutionary activity, or effective demonstrations of brotherhood. Every appeal to take industrial action on behalf of a union in distress is blocked by insisting upon the necessity of “first obtaining the sanction of the Executive,” and in practice it is found that the process of obtaining that sanction is so long, so cumbrous, and surrounded with so many rules and regulations that the union in distress is certain to be either disrupted or bankrupted before the Executive can be moved. The Greater Unionism is found in short to be forging greater fetters for the working class; to bear to the real revolutionary industrial unionism the same relation as the servile State would bear to the Co-operative Commonwealth of our dreams.

We need a movement committed to all working people, not just sectoral interests, with a vision of society for all working people; a movement that does not believe there is only the one way within the narrow constraints of what EU monopoly capital allows us; a movement that promotes its political goals and does not leave it to the Labour Party; and, most importantly, a movement not afraid to pursue its class interests, as the men and women of 1913 did. [NL]

Founding Statement of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

The Irish Republican Socialist Party was established by Seamus Costello and other Irish revolutionaries in  December 1974, at a meeting in the Lucan Spa Hotel, Dublin. The aim of the party founders was to establish a new revolutionary vanguard that would combine the class and national struggles and take up the vision of James Connolly. The party was named in honour of Connolly's Irish Socialist Republican Party. This was to be a genuine party of the working class.

Later that same day Costello presided over the formation of a new republican army, an organisation he hoped to mould as the armed cadre of the working class. This organisation was known firstly be as the National Liberation Front but would soon become known across the world as the Irish National Liberation Army.

Many of the founding members  of the IRSM were veteran republicans. Following the 'stickies' slide into counter revolution, whole cumainn resigned on mass to join the new organisation.

Seamus Costello was its driving force. He succeeded in recruiting many of  the leading republicans, socialists and trade unionists of the day to its ranks.

The forces of reaction in Ireland soon took note of the emerging IRSP and decided to crush the movement at birth. State repression and counter revolutionary attacks would be unleashed on the new party which stunted its growth, but not its revolutionary message.

Costello himself would be murdered in cold blood by counter revolutionaries in 1977, an event from which the IRSM never really recovered. With the murder of Seamus Costello Ireland lost its greatest revolutionary leader since James Connolly and the struggle for national liberation and socialism was set back for generations.

Much of the founding statement of the IRSP remains as relevant to Irish socialist republicanism today as it was when written almost forty years ago. Within the short statement there are many fundamental truths and a  draft guide to action for socialist republicans. Its message should be studied by all genuine Irish revolutionaries today.

For that reason, today we republish the founding statement of the IRSP. We hope it is widely read and studied by modern socialist republicans. We must learn well the lessons of our history so our historic struggle can be carried forward to victory.

IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY
Páirtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na hÉireann PRESS STATEMENT: 13.12.'74.
At a meeting held in Dublin on Sunday, 8.12.'74, a decision was made to form a new political party, to be known as THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY. The inaugural meeting was attended by approximately 80 delegates from Belfast, Armagh, Co. Derry, Derry City, Donegal, Dublin, Wicklow, Cork, Clare, Limerick and Tipperary.

It was unanimously agreed that the objective of the Party would be to "END IMPERIALIST RULE IN IRELAND, and ESTABLISH A 32 COUNTY DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC WITH THE WORKING CLASS IN CONTROL OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND EXCHANGE".

To this end, it was agreed that the Party would launch a vigorous campaign of political agitation and education, North and South, on the following issues:

SIX COUNTIES

1/ Recognising that British Imperialist interference in Ireland constitutes the most immediate obstacle confronting the Irish People in their struggle for democracy, National Liberation and Socialism, it shall be the policy of the Party to seek the formation of a broad front on the basis of the following demands:

A/ That Britain must immediately renounce all claims to Sovereignty over any part of Ireland and its coastal waters, and should immediately specify an early date for the total withdrawal of her military and political presence from Ireland.
B/ Having specified the date for her total withdrawal from Ireland, Britain must immediately withdraw all troops to barracks, release all internees and sentenced political prisoners, grant a general amnesty for all offences arising from the military campaign against British Forces or through involvement in the Civil Disobedience Campaign, abolish all repressive legislation, grant a Bill of Rights which will allow complete freedom of political action and outlaw all discriminination whether it be on the basis of class, creed, political opinion or sex. Britain must also agree to compensate the Irish People for the exploitation which has already occurred.
C/ It shall be the policy of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY to seek an active working alliance of all radical forces within the context of the Broad Front in order to ensure the ultimate success of the Irish Working Class in their struggle for Socialism.
D/ It will be an immediate objective of the Party to launch an intensive campaign of opposition to the E.E. membership. We, therefore, intend to play an active part in the E.E.C. referendum in the Six County area and through our support groups in Britain.
E/ Recognising that sectarianism, and the present campaign of sectarian assassinations arises as a direct result of British manipulation of the most reactionary elements of Irish Society, we shall seek to end this campaign on the basis of united action by the Catholic and Protestant working class against British Imperialism in Ireland.

TWENTY SIX COUNTIES

1/ We will seek to have a United Campaign of all democratic forces against repressive legislation in the south, and against the policy of blatant collaboration with British Imperialism, which is now being pursued by the 26 County Administration.

2/ THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY is totally opposed to the exploitation of our natural resources by multi-national Corporations. It shall therefore be our policy to give active and sustained support to the present campaign for the nationalisation of these resources.

3/ Recognising that the rapidly increasing cost of living and rising unemployment are to a large extent a direct result of our EEC membership, it shall be the policy of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY to actively support the formation of people's organisations to combat rising prices and unemployment.

ELECTIONS

THE IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY is not an abstentionist Party, and will decide its attitude towards the contesting of any particular election, on the basis of a thorough analysis of the conditions prevailing at the time. In keeping with this attitude we have decided, in principle, to contest the forthcoming Convention Elections in the Six County Area.

As the vast majority of those involved in the formation of the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY are people who have recently resigned from Sinn Fein (Gardiner Place), we feel it may be necessary to give a brief outline of the reasons for our resignations. They are as follows:

A/ The refusal of the Sinn Fein Ard Comhairle to implement the democratically decided policies on the National Question as laid down at the 1972 and 1973 Ard Fheiseanna.
B/ The lack of internal democracy within Sinn Fein. This became particularly noticeable during the course of the past year when many dedicated members were purged from the organisation because they dared to question the reformist approach of the Ard Comhairle on many vital questions. This purge culminated in attempts by members of the Ard Comhairle to intimidate delegates to the recent Ard Fheis, when many of them were threatened with expulsion if they did not vote in accordance with the wishes of the leadership.
C/ the decision of the Ard Comhairle to contest the Six County Assembly Elections, when it was perfectly obvious that the elections were clearly designed to re-establish a British controlled puppet Parliament for the Six Counties. In our view, this particular decision was indicative of the reformist and counter revolutionary attitudes which prevail at Ard Comhairle level in Sinn Fein, Gardiner Place.
D/ The unprincipled betrayal of the internees arising from the decision to take seats on local councils in the North. This decision was made despite the fact that the Ard Comhairle had made repeated statements attacking the treachery of the SDLP for taking their seats.

We are of course aware that the vast majority of rank and file members are completely opposed to this decision. We urge the ordinary members of Sinn Fein to refuse to accept this unprincipled attitude on the part of the Ard Comhairle. We call on all Republican Club Councillors to stand by the Internees by upholding the peoples' pledge which they signed before their election.
E/ The general drift towards almost exclusive participation in reformist activity, and the total abandonment of agitationary political action in pursuit of their objectives. Under its present leadership, Sinn Fein has been reduced to a position of almost total irrelevance in the context of the present poltical situation.

ORGANISATION

Since last Sunday we have had enquiries from practically every area in the country regarding the formation of branches. During the period since the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis, at least 14 Cumainn and two Comhairle Ceantair have resigned in bloc and indicated their intention of forming IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY branches.

We are at present engaged in an intensive recruiting drive, and will organise a full delegate national conference at the earliest possible date. A permanent National Executive will be elected at the Annual Conference.

In conclusion, the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY extends its support to all peoples struggling for Democracy, National Liberation and Socialism.

In Ireland, we appeal to all of those who are genuinely interested in the establishment of a Socialist Republic to re-examine their present position and give their support to the IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST PARTY.

Those elected to the Temporary National Executive are as follows:

Sean Flynn (Belfast)
Manuel McIlroy (Belfast)
John McAlea (Belfast)
Charlie Craig (Belfast)
Seamus O'Kane (Co. Derry)
Terry Robson (Derry City)
Joe Sweeney (Derry City)
Bernadette McAliskey (Tyrone)
Johnny White (Donegal)
Seamus Costello (Wicklow)
Theresa Gallagher (Dublin)
Anne Webb (Dublin)
Mick Plunkett (Dublin)
John Lynch (Cork)
Stella Mackowski (Clare)
Joe Quinn (Limerick)
Tony Quinn (Tipperary

Seamus Costello and The Anti- Imperialist Broad Front

In many countries fighting for national liberation, the revolutionary forces are coordinated by a 'broad front'. Throughout history, coalition's of anti- imperialist groups have come together to wage a revolutionary class war that seeks to end the exploitation of the working class and establish socialism.

James Connolly understood the importance of such broad fronts for confronting imperialism. For the class struggle to be successful, the revolution must have the support of as wide a section of the masses as possible. It was for this reason that Connolly and the Irish Citizen's Army formed a broad anti- imperialist front in 1916, joining with the Irish Volunteers and Irish Republican Brotherhood. Together they would confront British imperialism in Ireland and proclaim a sovereign independent Republic.

At the triumph of the counter revolution in 1923, there was no credible force pushing for an anti imperialist front that would continue the fight for national liberation and socialism in Ireland. Republicanism suffered a series of damaging splits that divorced the masses from the revolution.

It wasn't until the 1930's and the rise of the Republican Congress, that the idea of a new anti- Imperialist broad front became a distinct possibility in Ireland. The Republican Congress brought together republicans, socialists, communists and trade unionists and brought a section of the revolutionary movement in Ireland back to the every day struggles of the people.

The Republican Congress cut through the religious sectarianism and anti- communist hysteria of the time, to promote for the first time since Connolly, a genuine socialist republicanism in Ireland. Such a movement had the potential to unite all religions and revolutionary forces in the struggle for national liberation.

Unfortunately, worker's in the Ireland of the 1930's had not reached the level of class consciences that was required. The population failed to understand that the policies the Republican Congress were advocating would mean and end to exploitation in Ireland and a genuine freedom for her citizens.

Faced with condemnation from pulpits across the 32 counties, many of the driving figures in the Republican Congress would fight and die bravely on the battlefields of Spain, in defence of the Spanish Republic against the fascist hordes. The cause of national liberation and socialism in Ireland would have to wait for another generation.

In 1962, The IRA concluded that 'Operation Harvest' would not be the battle that would liberate Ireland.  Despite heroic resistance from IRA Volunteer's against the on-going crime of British Imperialism, republicans decided it was time to dump arms and wait to fight another day.

In a statement ordering Volunteers to dump arms the IRA said ' Foremost among the factors motivating this course of action has been the attitude of the general public whose minds have been deliberately distracted from the supreme issue facing the Irish people - the unity and freedom of Ireland. The Irish resistance movement renews its pledge of eternal hostility to the British Forces of Occupation in Ireland. It calls on the Irish people for increased support and looks forward with confidence – in co-operation with the other branches of the Republican Movement - to a period of consolidation, expansion and preparation for the final and victorious phase of the struggle for the full freedom of Ireland.'

The IRA realised that it's failure to win the popular support and active involvement of a significant section of the Irish population, meant that it's campaign could not be a success. This had a deep impact on Volunteers who began to realise that clandestine and militarist activities alone would not win the support of the Irish people. These volunteers decided that the Republican Movement must win the support of the masses through active involvement in the everyday struggles of the people.

One such volunteer was Seamus Costello. A committed disciple of Connolly, Costello would spend the rest of his life trying to build a credible and effective republican organisation, that would combine the class and national struggle and win the popular support and active involvement in the fight for national liberation and socialism in Ireland.

Costello was one of the main architect's in the shifting the republican movement to the left throughout the 1960's and always lead from the front. Initially siding with the 'Stickies' in the 1969/1970 split, when it became clear that that organisation was sliding into counter revolution, Costello established a new socialist republican vehicle. In honour of James Connolly the group was called the Irish Republican Socialist Party.

Costello intended the new party to become the engine of a re-organised republican struggle. This he believed would be a party that the Irish working class could call their own. In the early day's of the IRSP, Costello won committed republican soldiers, socialists and trade unionists to it's ranks.

At the same time as be active in the 'practice of revolution in Ireland' Costello was also conscience of the need for revolutionary theory and was always looking for opportunities to win as broad a section of the masses as possible to the struggle for national liberation in Ireland.

Like Connolly in 1916, Costello believed that all Irish anti- imperialist forces should come together to confront British Imperialism and Capitalism. This he believed could create a genuine opportunity to win the support and active involvement of a greater section of the Irish people in the fight for freedom then the IRSP or republicans could hope to mobilise alone.

In 1977, to explore options of doing just that Costello drafted a policy paper which has become known as the 'Broad Front' document. Endorsed by the Ard Comhairle of the IRSP, Costello submitted this document to the 1977 'Broad Front Talks' which brought together a number of Irish anti- imperialist groups to discuss the possibility of common ground being found.

Although the talks ended unsuccessfully, socialist republican's today should study Costello's 'Broad Front' document and taking account of the conditions in Ireland today, discuss whether such an approach could be of benefit to the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland.

Is a Broad Front possible or even desirable?  What Anti- Imperialist groups if any, should socialist republicans seek to find common ground and work with today?

Revolutionary theory has an important part to play in the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland today. It is for that reason we are republishing here Seamus Costello's Broad Front document in the hopes that socialist republicans will study its merits and arm themselves with any benefits within it that could strengthen our struggle.

The Broad Front- Seamus Costello.

 

The IRSP fully endorse the sentiments, expressed in the basic discussion document regarding the seriousness of the present political crisis in Ireland and fully support the call for the maximum degree of anti-imperialist unity. We feel that genuine anti-imperialist unity can be achieved and that the basic discussion document lays the basis for such unity provided those present at this conference can agree that the document needs clarification and amendment on a number of important points.

As a socialist party, our ultimate political objective is the creation of a unified 32 county Democratic Socialist Republic within which the Irish working class will control the wealth and resources of the nation. This objective can only be achieved through the efforts of a unified and politically conscious Irish working class. The fact that a unified and politically conscious Irish working class does not exist is a direct consequence of the creation of two partitioned states in Ireland, and of the continuing imperialist interference in both parts of the country. The problems arising from this lack of working class unity are painfully obvious. The working class people of the South have been skillfully divided by the allies of British imperialism since the establishment of the 26-county state. For 50 years the Southern working class have been conned into supporting political parties who held out the illusion of radical solutions to both the national question and the class struggle, while in reality they used the working class as a power base for their continued betrayal of both struggles. In the North the Protestant working class were led to believe that the only way in which they could preserve the marginal supremacy which they held over their Catholic counterparts in jobs and housing was through supporting corrupt Unionist politicians and through them the Union with Britain. Their genuine and well founded fears regarding the preservation of their religious and civil liberties in the context of a united and clerical dominated Ireland were also exploited by the same corrupt politicians. At the same time the Catholic working class were conned into believing that their salvation lay in supporting green tory politicians who, while hypocritically advocating the reunification of Ireland, as a guarantee of their ultimate salvation, completely submerged themselves in corrupt Unionist politics in exchange for favours for the class they really represented, the Northern Catholic middle class. As history has shown, the working class, North and South, Protestant and Catholic, have been victims of the so-called solutions to the 'Irish Question' imposed by Britain and her subservient native parliaments. It is still Britain's objective to find and impost a political solution which will guarantee the continued protection of Britain's economic and strategic interests in both parts of Ireland. Britain is also acting as the local protector of the interests of other imperial powers in Ireland. Some of the EEC countries as well as America and Canada have powerful vested interest in supporting a British imposed 'solution' in Ireland. Britain also has to consider the possible effects on internal British politics of the emergence of a united and independent state in Ireland. In our view, if an independent Ireland is to be viable in economic terms, and if it is to provide a reasonable standard of living for the majority of our people, it can only be done through a radical change in the ownership of wealth and resources. In these circumstances Britain and the EEC countries would have every reason to worry about the effects on working class opinion in their own countries. Finally of course Britain's strategic interests must also be protected through the imposition of a 'solution' which will ensure that Ireland continues its present policy of pro-imperialist 'neutrality.' Every British imposed solution including the original partition of the country, the Northern Ireland Assembly...the Convention and direct rule, has been designed to protect these economic and strategic interests. The present policy of the Ulsterisation of the conflict is also clearly designed to perpetuate the division of the country, and the sectarian divisions of the Northern working class. The native capitalist class, acting through the political parties which represent their interests in both parts of Ireland have played a fundamental role in supporting British imperialist interests in Ireland. They have done so because they have now accommodated themselves to the role of overseers for the British and other imperialist economic interests. They have clearly thrown their weight behind the various solutions put forward by British imperialism over the past eight years, and will continue to do so in order to ensure that the one solution which would end their role as the native agents of foreign imperial interests does not emerge. As a party we therefore recognize the absolute necessity of securing a constitutional solution to the present crisis which will allow the Irish working class the freedom to pursue their interests as a class in the context of the development of normal class politics. In our view the first step in securing a constitutional solution which meets this requirement must be for Britain to concede the right of the Irish people to exercise total sovereignty over their own affairs. This objective can only be achieved through the creation of a unified struggle on the part of all anti-imperialist organizations. We would therefore support the formation of an Irish anti-imperialist Front composed of delegates from affiliated organizations who support the agreed political programme of the Front. The primary objective of the Front would be to mobilize the maximum degree of support for its declared objectives throughout Ireland. The Front should have sufficient support and assistance from its affiliated organizations to enable it to open a head office with a full time staff. We propose the following political demands as the basis on which an Irish anti-imperialist Front should organise:

1. That Britain must renounce all claims to sovereignty over any part of Ireland or its coastal waters.
   
2. That Britain must immediately disband and disarm the UDR, RUC, and RUC Reserve and withdraw all troops from Ireland.
   
3. That the British and 26 County governments must immediately release all political prisoners and grant a general amnesty for all offenses arising from the current conflict.
   
4. That Britain must agree to compensate all who have suffered as a result of imperialist violence and exploitation in Ireland.
   
5. Recognizing that no country can be free and independent while it permits imperialist domination of its economic life, the Irish anti-imperialist Front will oppose all forms of imperialist control over our wealth and resources.
   
6. That the Irish anti-imperialist Front rejects a federal solution and the continued existence of two separate states in the 6 and 26 counties as a denial of the right of the Irish people to sovereignty and recognizes the only alternative as being the creation of a 32 County Democratic Republic with a secular constitution.
   
7. That the Irish anti-imperialist Front demands the convening of an all Ireland Constitutional Conference representative of all shades of political opinion in Ireland for the purpose of discussing a democratic and secular Constitution which would become effective immediately following a total British military and political withdrawal from Ireland.

We feel that these demands would secure the active support of all genuine anti-imperialists in Ireland and that they should form the basis for an agreed programme of action by the Irish anti-imperialist Front. We are submitting them to this conference in the hope that we can make a serious contribution towards overcoming some of the problems caused by the divisions existing between the anti-imperialist organizations.





Building an alternative movement in Ireland

Socialist Republicanism is gaining popularity across Ireland. At this time socialist republicans are working tirelessly to build a new movement which will be capable of success.

One of the most promising socialist republican organisations in Ireland at the present time is éirígí. Formed in 2006 following a left wing split in Sinn Féin, éirígí has grown from humble beginnings in Dublin into a National movement within six short years.

éirígí are committed socialist republicans who like Connolly and Costello before them, are in the process of building a movement that combines the class and national liberation struggles into the one fight. 

As an introduction to éirígí and the work of Irish Socialist Republicans today, we here republish an edited interview with éirígí chairperson Brian Leeson.

This interview was published on the fantastic blog  'The Irish Revolution' based in New Zealand. The blog commenting on Irish affairs from a socialist republican position. The Irish Revolution Blog can be accessed here and is highly recommended: http://theirishrevolution.wordpress.com/

This interview is important as it gives clear insight into the strategy and tactics, as well as the longer term views of Irish Socialist Republicans in the 21st Century.

Building an alternative movement in Ireland: interview with éirígí national chairperson Brian Leeson

The following interview was conducted back in late 2008, and first appeared in early 2009 in The Spark newspaper. 

Philip Ferguson: Could you tell us how you first got involved in political activity?

Brian Leeson: I suppose I first became politically active in the summer of 1989 when I attended a large protest in Dublin that was demanding a British withdrawal from occupied Ireland.  It was called to mark the 20th anniversary of British troops being re-deployed onto Irish streets back in August 1969.  For a few months before the demonstration I had been becoming more politically conscious, particularly with regard to the war that was then raging in the occupied Six Counties.

What struck me most about that day was the contrast between the sheer size of the protest and the tiny amount of media coverage it received.  Despite the fact that more then 20,000 marched that day, it hardly registered on the political landscape at all.  Of course, this was at a time when state censorship by both the London and Dublin governments excluded republican spokespeople from the airwaves.
Within a couple of weeks of that demonstration I had taken a decision to become politically active.  I applied to join Sinn Féin, but at 15 years of age I was too young.  Instead, I started to sell the An Phoblacht newspaper each Saturday morning outside of the General Post Office on Dublin’s O’Connell Street – a building which fittingly had served as the headquarters of the 1916 Rebellion.

From then on I became ever more involved in the republican struggle and the Provisional Movement, which I remained a part of until early 2006.


PF: How and why did éirígí come into existence?  How would you explain your pretty rapid growth?

BL: éirígí was formed as a socialist republican campaigns group in April 2006.  Initially, there were just seven members and the organisation was based solely in Dublin.  In May 2007, at our first Ard Fheis (national congress), the decision was taken to constitute éirígí as a political party.  Since 2006, éirígí’s membership has grown steadily, to the point where we now have ciorcail (branches) all across Ireland.

As to why éirígí came into existence; what was then a small group of people thought it was time to make a new beginning in terms of socialist republican politics.  We believed there to be the political space for a new socialist republican organisation.  The growth of the party since then has confirmed that our original analysis was correct.

There is clearly a significant number of people who were basically waiting for a credible vehicle to emerge for them to join or support.  I think this fact, along with the hard work of our activists, explains our relatively rapid growth.

PF: What is éirígí’s view of the current situation in the north?

BL: The British occupation of the North of Ireland is as real today as it ever was.
In July 2007, there was much fanfare surrounding the ending of the British army’s 38-year-long Operation Banner campaign in the Six Counties.  What wasn’t mentioned was that, on the very day Operation Banner ended, a new British army campaign began in the North – Operation Helvetic.
Under Helvetic, 5,000 British troops remain garrisoned in the Six Counties. These troops can be deployed at will by the British government.  In addition, much of the ‘temporary’ repressive legislation that the British government introduced to suppress the republican struggle had now been made permanent.

Also in 2007, the British government’s spy agency, MI5, was appointed as the chief gatherer of intelligence on Irish republicans.  To facilitate this, a massive MI5 base has been built on the outskirts of Belfast.  This facility will also serve as the main headquarters for MI5 in the event of an attack on their London headquarters.

On the front line of the occupation is the Police Service of Northern Ireland – formerly the RUC. The PSNI remains a highly sectarian, paramilitary police force.  Since its name change the PSNI has added CS gas and tasers to its arsenal of lethal plastic bullets.  These ‘less lethal’ new weapons are in addition to the standard issue handguns and assault rifles routinely carried by members of that force.
On the socio-economic front, nationalists remain two-and-a-half times as likely to be unemployed as unionists (members of the population who support British rule – PF) and, in some areas, nationalists make up 83 per cent of those on the housing waiting list.

All of this compounds a deeply unequal society where working class people generally, and working class catholics in particular, are exploited and denied basic rights.  In short, the Six Counties remains a highly abnormal state and necessarily so in order to maintain the British occupation.

PF: The south of Ireland, the Twenty-Six County state, is often held up in NZ as a model of ‘social partnership’ between the state, the bosses and the unions.  What are things really like for workers in the south?

BL: That may be so, but it should be also noted that the Twenty-Six County state was the first in Europe to enter recession earlier this year.  Socially and economically, the Twenty-Six County state now rates second only to the United States in terms of inequality within the ‘developed’ world.
This fact is a massive indictment on the class of politicians and business people who have decided policy in the South to the detriment of the majority of the population.

The Twenty-Six Counties, Ireland as a whole and the rest of Europe are now in financial meltdown due to the manner in which our economies have been structured and mismanaged by political parties and corporations that have only their own interests at heart.

Fianna Fáil (the main and near-permanent party of government), their coalition partners and their friends in big business are at the top of the guilty list in this regard.
They have allowed a chaotic, greed-fuelled auction to take centre-stage in this country over the last 15 years and labeled it the finest economy in the world.  Yet, as soon as this ‘fine economy’ implodes, the hundreds of thousands of people who actually work to generate the wealth are expected to foot the bill to save those who mismanaged it.

Instead of harnessing the wealth of recent times to create first-class health, education and transport systems, the Dublin government has provided us with rising unemployment, mass privatisation and endemic child and fuel poverty.

PF: Is there much of a challenge to the class collaborationism of the union leaderships? What role does éirígí see for itself in challenging this collaboration?

BL: The whole carefully-manufactured ‘consensus’ that lauds ‘social partnership’ as a panacea for all our ills in now beginning to fall apart.  It is falling apart because the brutal realities of the capitalist economic system are becoming ever more obvious.

According to the ‘social partnership’ narrative, everyone was a winner – workers, bosses and the state.
This narrative cannot survive the utter failure of the system that ‘social partnership’ was designed to protect.

Now that the economy is in crisis, it is clear that everyone isn’t a winner.  Once again, it is working class people who are being told to ‘tighten their belts’ while the wealthy secure their gains and are supported by massive government bail-outs.

éirígí has stated from day one that there is an alternative to this dog-eat-dog economic madness and it is one based on cooperation, solidarity and participatory planning, i.e. socialism.
It is the job of every left-wing organisation, including éirígí, to fill the vacuum of ideas that exists in terms of how to deal with the economic crisis with socialist politics.

PF: One of the key things that has bedeviled Irish republicans, including socialist-republicans, since Connolly’s time is the relationship between the class and national questions or, put another way, the class and national aspects of the Irish revolution.  How do you see that class and national relationship in Ireland being linked?

BL: Connolly believed that the relationship between the class and national questions is fundamentally indivisible.  What has bedeviled Irish republicans since that time is how to build a movement that effectively deals with both. éirígí shares Connolly’s analysis that the Irish revolution has two aspects – the national and the social.

To resolve one, you have to resolve the other.

The key to socialist republican thinking is to understand that the military occupation of Ireland, and the denial of political democracy that it represents, is just one aspect of what Connolly referred to as the ‘Conquest of Ireland’.

The social aspect – the replacement of the collective ownership laws of the native population with private property relations, particularly with regard to the land – was what provided the material incentive in the English invasion of Ireland.

Any successful reconquest of Ireland must remove the social and economic system that the English brought into Ireland.  In éirígí’s opinion, any revolutionary movement in Ireland must have the resolution of the national and social questions as its core objectives.

PF: The other issue that has bedeviled the movement in Ireland is the relationship between military and political activity, or party and army. How do you view the issue of armed republican activity?

BL: Any population that has the misfortune to find itself under foreign occupation has the right to use armed force to remove that occupation.  Whether it was the French resisting the Nazi occupation or the Vietnamese resisting Franco-American aggression, the principle is the same.  And that principle also extends to the Irish context.

However, while any people may have a principled right to use armed struggle, it may not always be tactically or strategically the correct option.  We believe that there are other, more effective ways to challenge and defeat British rule in Ireland today.

PF: What possibilities are there for uniting anti-imperialists, at least around particular projects and maybe into some kind of ongoing coalition?  Is éirígí working along those lines or do you have a different view?

BL: Since its foundation, éirígí has been working with anti-imperialists and other progressives on a number of issues.  The first of these was the ‘Shell to Sea’ campaign which is resisting Shell Oil’s operations in Co. Mayo.   This was closely followed by éirígí joining the Irish Anti War Movement, which is made up of a broad coalition of groups opposed to Irish collaboration in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.  More recently, éirígí has worked within the Campaign Against the European Union Constitution, which was one of the lead organisations in the recent defeat of the EU’s Lisbon Treaty.
We believe the building of a new progressive social movement to be an essential step on the road to transforming Ireland’s socio-economic system. Such a movement will need to encompass trade unions, political parties, community groups, campaign groups, residents associations and non-aligned individuals.  Similar movements have played an important role in the recent move to the left within a number of South American countries.  éirígí believes there are lessons to be learned from these countries that could be applied to the Irish context.

PF: There are also a number of explicitly socialist-republican currents, such as the Irish Republican Socialist Party.  What is éirígí’s attitude to the idea of trying to regroup all the socialist-republicans into a single organisation?

BL: While, theoretically, the ideal situation would see a single socialist republican party we have to recognise that the conditions for such a party do not yet exist in Ireland.  The reality is that there are a number of organisations, including éirígí and the IRSP, that profess a left republican analysis.  These various organisations have come into existence for a range of different historical reasons, some of which still exist today.

While, at a superficial glance, these differences may seem surmountable, a more comprehensive analysis reveals much deeper tactical and ideological separation.  To prematurely attempt a merger or coalition of these groups and parties may well damage the tentative growth that radical politics in Ireland is currently enjoying.

In éirigi’s opinion, a better option at this time is for groups of similar outlook to work together on single issue campaigns, similar to those outlined above.  Over time, the conditions for a single socialist republican party may well emerge.

PF: How does éirígí see things in Ireland developing over the next, say, decade?  How do you see éirígí developing in that context?

BL:  The discourse in Ireland, both north and south, over the last decade has been dominated by an ‘end of history’ type analysis.  The aim of this propaganda was to promote the idea that all forms of popular struggle were finished.  According to this view, the economy, although fundamentally unequal, was fundamentally sound and needed nothing but minor tinkering with.  Meanwhile, the national question was settled, with the British occupation continuing indefinitely.

In éirígí’s view, the next 10 years will be about exploding these myths.  The truth remains that the economy is not fundamentally sound – it is on the point of collapse due to the way it was managed in the interests of the wealthy few.  Already, we have seen tens of thousands of people taking to the streets of Dublin to protest about government cuts.

The Six County state is not functioning as it was supposed to under the normalisation agenda of the British government and it never will.  The communities that always opposed British rule are witnessing the failure of British rule on a daily basis.

In light of this, I think the next 10 years are going to see a rejuvenation and popularisation of the struggle for an independent, socialist Ireland.  It won’t be easy, but we’re determined to get there.

Seamus Costello Oration at Bodenstown 1966

In the 1960's the republican movement officially adopted a socialist republican outlook. This came to be, following the period of re-organisation in the aftermath of the 'Border Campaign' [1956-1962].

By embracing socialist republicanism, the movement aimed to win popular support for the strugle for national liberation in Ireland by becoming involved in the everyday struggles of the people of Ireland. One of the leading architects of re-establishing socialist republicanism as the central plank of the republican movement was a young volunteer from Bray, Co. Wicklow named Seamus Costello.

Costello was a veteran of the Border Campaign, during which despite his youth his daring military exploits had earned him the nickname 'the boy general'. Costello was a disiple of Connolly and understood that the class and the national struggle were the same fight.

It was no suprisie then, that it was Seamus Costello who was chosen to announce the republican movments offical adoption of socialist republicanism. In 1966, in an inspiring speech made at the grave of the father of Irish republicanism, Theobold Wolfetone at Bodenstown Co. Kildare, Costello set out the new policy of the movement and laid out the position of Irish Socialist Republicans.

It is a position that socialist republicans still adhere to today and is important reading for anyone who wants to understand the political programme of socialist republicans.

We are proud to republish this important doccument on this site:

Oration at Bodenstown

Text of oration delivered by Seamus Costello at the Wolfe Tone commemoration at Bodenstown, 1966.

We have assembled here today to pay our respects to the memory of Theobald Wolfe Tone, the father of Irish republicanism. If we, the republicans of 1966, are to pay a fitting tribute to Tone, it is essential that we examine in depth the ideals for which he fought and died. He believed that the Irish people "had but one common interest and one common enemy; that the depression and slavery of Ireland was produced and perpetrated by the divisions existing between them, and that, consequently, to assert the independence of their country, and their own individual liberties, it was necessary to forget all former feuds to consolidate the entire strength of the whole nation, and to form for the future but one people."

His attitude towards the so-called 'Irish parliament' of the day is also worthy of attention. He maintained that the parliament was a totally ineffective body, that it had changed nothing in Ireland, that the social and political order remained the same, and that, as before, the real power lay with the British Government. He realized that until such time as the Irish people united and demanded their just rights that the wealth of this country would either be controlled directly by Britain, or be syphoned off with the willing connivance of a subservient Irish parliament.

 

Having seen the problems that existed at the time, Tone in conjunction with the other leaders of the revolutionary movement decided that the first logical step towards a solution was to "break the connection with England, the never failing source of all our political and economic evils."

 

You may well ask why we of the republican movement, 168 years after the death of Tone, find it necessary to advocate the same course of action that he advocated. The answer is simple. We find it necessary to advocate the same course of action because of the fact that the Irish people still do not control their own affairs, and because their economic and political independence is considered a fit subject for barter or sale by our two subservient puppet parliaments. If the Irish people have any doubt about the truth of this statement and want proof of what I say, they have only to take a close look at the situation that exists today in each part of our partitioned land.

 

In the North, the destinies of one and a half million of our countrymen are controlled by a puppet regime whose existence for some 45 years has depended on the support of British armed forces. This regime has found to its apparent delight that one of the simplest ways of ensuring its continued existence is by the furtherance of bigotry and sectarianism. Ample evidence of this policy can be found in the recent antics of a certain reverend agent provocateur.

 

These then are the means by which the British imperialists intend to maintain the people of the North in perpetual slavery. These are also the means by which the working classes are divided against their own material welfare. The pro-British capitalist class who control the economy of the North know very well that, when the people reject those who foster sectarianism, their next step will be to demand a just share of the wealth which they create. These are the real reasons why one section of the community are led to believe that it is in their interest to discriminate against another section. Never are they told that the standard of living which they enjoy, at the expense of their victimized neighbors, is theirs by right - rather are they tricked into believing that these natural rights are a reward for their support of the regime. These tactics serve to ensure that a large section of the population of the North remain loyal to the regime and at the same time do not insist on having a bigger share in the wealth.

In the 26 counties the most that can be said of the position is that it contains one evil less religious discrimination is absent. The political and economic subjection of this part of Ireland to Britain is no less complete than that of the North.

 

However, British control over the destinies of the people of the 26 counties is not as obvious. This is due in the main to the fact that since 1921 they have had the co-operation of successive quisling parliaments in order to ensure that their interests here are fully protected.

The effects of this economic subjection are obvious in every sphere of life in Ireland at the present time. We of the republican movement have no need to tell the Irish people of the sorry mess which has been made of the economy.

 

The politicians are telling us every day. They tell us that this position arises as a result of the workers insisting on having a better standard of living. Never are we told that the profits which accrue from our labours are invested abroad by the native and foreign capitalists who control our resources. We are constantly told that we must work harder for the same wages despite the fact that we have to live with an ever increasing cost of living and an ever increasing burden of taxation. Up to now we have been 'advised' that it is wrong for workers to withhold labour in the struggle to wrest a decent wage from those employers whose only role in life seems to be the exploitation of workers. The situation in this regard has now changed radically, with the introduction of coercive anti-worker legislation. We now find that Mr. Lemass, in his eagerness to please his imperial masters, is prepared to use against farmers and workers the same type of repression which was previously reserved for republicans. It now seems inevitable that the republicans in Mountjoy prison will soon find themselves joined by farmers and trade unionists.

 

We republicans must not be content to criticize those who misgovern both parts of our country. If we are to regard ourselves as true followers of Tone, we must provide the Irish people with an alternative. It must be a realistic and practical alternative. Our target must be the achievement of the ideals set out in the Proclamation of 1916 - the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities for all our citizens.

This in effect means that we must aim for the ownership of our resources by the people, so that these resources will be developed in the best interests of the people as a whole. Some of you may feel that these aims are impossible to achieve until such time as we have an independent all-Ireland government. It is certainly true that some of these aims will not reach fruition until such time as we have an all-Ireland parliament. However, in the meantime, you as republicans have an extremely important part to play in the furtherance of this policy.

 

It is your duty to spearhead the organization of a virile co-operative movement among the farming community. It is also your duty to use your influence as trade unionists to organise a militant trade union movement with a national consciousness. In short, it is your duty to become active, hard working members of each and every organization that is working for the welfare of all the people and towards the reunification of the country.

 

You should use every possible opportunity to acquaint the people with our policies on land, industry and finance. We believe that there should be a limit to the amount of land owned by any single individual. We also believe that the large estates of absentee landlords should be acquired by compulsory acquisition and worked on a co-operative basis with the financial and technical assistance of the State.

 

In the field of industry, our policy is to nationalize the key industries with the eventual aim of co-operative ownership by the workers. The capital necessary to carry out this programme can be made available without recourse to extensive taxation by the nationalization of all banks, insurance, loan and investment companies whose present policy is the re-investment of our hard earned money in foreign fields.

 

This in short is our policy. This is our definition of freedom. It was Tone's definition, Lalor's definition, Mitchel's definition, and the stated aim of Pearse and Connolly. We can expect the same reaction to the implementation of these aims from the forces of exploitation, whether native or foreign sponsored, as the originators received in '98, '48, '67 and 1916. Therefore, to imagine that we can establish a republic solely by constitutional means is utter folly. The lesson of history shows that in the final analysis the robber baron must be dis-established by the some methods that he used to enrich himself and retain his ill-gotten gains, namely, force of arms. To this end we must organise, train, and maintain a disciplined armed force which will always be available to strike at the opportune moment.

The Programme Of The Irish Socialist Republican Party

In 1896 James Connolly founded the Irish SocialistRepublican Party to demand an Irish Workers Republic. The Party was the first in Ireland to combine the Class and National struggle in the one fight.

It's Programme, published in 1896 gives a good introduction to the position and demands of Irish Socialist Republicans.  Though 116 years old the programme like many of Connolly's writings remains remarkably relevant today.

We republish it here in full:

Irish Socialist Republican Party

(1896)

"The great appear great to us only because we are on our knees; LET US RISE."

OBJECT

Establishment of AN IRISH SOCIALIST REPUBLIC based upon the public ownership by the Irish people of the land, and instruments of production, distribution and exchange. Agriculture to be administered as a public function, under boards of management elected by the agricultural population and responsible to them and to the nation at large. All other forms of labour necessary to the well-being of the community to be conducted on the same principles.

PROGRAMME

As a means of organising the forces of the Democracy in preparation for any struggle which may precede the realisation of our ideal, of paving the way for its realisation, of restricting the tide of emigration by providing employment at home, and finally of palliating the evils of our present social system, we work by political means to secure the following measures:

1. Nationalisation of railways and canals.
2. Abolition of private banks and money-lending institutions and establishments of state banks, under popularly elected boards of directors, issuing loans at cost.
3. Establishment at public expense of rural depots for the most improved agricultural machinery, to be lent out to the agricultural population at a rent covering cost and management alone.
4. Graduated income tax on all incomes over #400 per annum in order to provide funds for pensions to the aged, infirm and widows and orphans.
5. Legislative restriction of hours of labour to 48 per week and establishment of a minimum wage.
6. Free maintenance for all children.
7. Gradual extension of the principle of public ownership and supply to all the necessaries of life.
8. Public control and management of National schools by boards elected by popular ballot for that purpose alone.
9. Free education up to the highest university grades.
10. Universal suffrage.

THE IRISH SOCIALIST REPUBLICAN PARTY

That the agricultural and industrial system of a free people, like their political system, ought to be an accurate reflex of the democratic principle by the people for the people, solely in the interests of the people.

That the private ownership, by a class, of the land and instruments of production, distribution and exchange, is opposed to this vital principle of justice, and is the fundamental basis of all oppression, national, political and social.

That the subjection of one nation to another, as of Ireland to the authority of the British Crown, is a barrier to the free political and economic development of the subjected nation, and can only serve the interests of the exploiting classes of both nations.

That, therefore, the national and economic freedom of the Irish people must be sought in the same direction, viz., the establishment of an Irish Socialist Republic, and the consequent conversion of the means of production, distribution and exchange into the common property of society, to be held and controlled by a democratic state in the interests of the entire community.

That the conquest by the Social Democracy of political power in Parliament, and on all public bodies in Ireland, is the readiest and most effective means whereby the revolutionary forces may be organised and disciplined to attain that end.

BRANCHES WANTED EVERYWHERE. ENQUIRIES INVITED. ENTRANCE FEE, 6d. MINIMUM. WEEKLY SUBSCRIPTION 1d.

Offices: 67 MIDDLE ABBEY STREET, DUBLIN.

For What Died the Sons and Daughters of Róisín?

This article will briefly set out the prevailing political conditions in Ireland today. It will also begin a discussion on the key tasks for socialist republicans.

The conditions in Ireland Today
Since 1169, when the ruling class of Britain first invaded Ireland, our country has been a colony. Throughout our history, the people of Ireland have been exploited and our nations wealth and resources have been plundered by various ruling elites. Despite the passage of time- more then 800 years, the situation in Ireland remains much the same.

Today Ireland is still a colony. The national territory of Ireland is divided into two colonial states. The six most north eastern counties are illegally occupied by Britain. The rest of Ireland, the Twenty Six county state, was since the partition of the country in 1920, a neo- colonial British state. However, in recent times this neo- colonialism has been replaced by full blown European imperialism. Today, the Twenty Six Counties finds itself under the imperial rule of the EU/ IMF/ ECB 'Trokia'.

The Six County State
The British imperial occupation of the Six County state is an obvious one. It is maintained by coercion and the force of arms. Today, Britain's military Garrison in Ireland is made up of:

• 5,000 Full Combat Troops
• 9,000 Paramilitary Police
• Hundreds of MI5/MI6 spies and agents.

Despite generations of a war for national liberation, today the British occupation may seem as strong as ever. This requires a short explanation. In 1998, the British dealt a crushing blow to the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland with the signing of a new Anglo- Irish Treaty, the Good Friday Agreement [GFA]. This defeat lay in the success the British had in persuading former republicans to administer British rule in Ireland.

The 1998 Treaty set the republican struggle back for almost a decade. Thankfully today, the republican movement is steadily rebuilding and reorganising. This time it is unashamedly demanding an Irish Socialist Republic.

The Twenty Six County State
On the face of it, the Twenty Six Counties is a functioning liberal democracy. However lifting the thin veil of this disguise, the picture becomes alot clearer. The limited sovereignty of the parliament at Leinster House, granted by the British in 1920, has been completely eroded. The EU/IMF/ECB Troika are in total control of governing policy in the 26 counties. Under their command the Irish ruling class are engaging in an unprecedented attack on the Irish Working Class.

Living Standards and conditions which have been hard fought for by workers organisations over the past 100 years in the firing line. Mass unemployment and emigration are widespread. Funding for health, education, social welfare and other vital public and community services have suffered 'slash and burn' cuts to facilitate the bailout of the private banking sector.

In an effort to pay for that bailout, the Twenty Six County state is facing into it's 6th austerity budget. Austerity has hit the working class and our communities hardest. The ruling elite are attempting to make workers, their families and communities pay for a crisis they did not create.

Despite all this, Ireland remains one of the wealthiest nations in the world. The wealth is just in the wrong hands! Just 1% of the population owns 34% of the wealth. Our natural resources including Ireland's Oil and Gas reserves have been sold of to the highest bidder and are being raped by multi-  national corporations such as Royal Dutch Shell.

For what died the sons and daughters of Róisín? Was it Greed?

Key Tasks for Socialist Republicans
This is the situation facing Irish Socialist Republicans today. The situation as outlined above presents us with many difficulties which must be overcome. These prevailing conditions also present the revolutionary movement with fantastic opportunity. Our message is potentially reaching very fertile ground.

Some of the key tasks facing Irish Socialist Republicans in this time include:

• Highlighting the nature of the British occupation of the Six Counties and the nature of  European Imperial control over the Twenty Six Counties and opposing them.
• Rebuilding a socialist republican movement capable of successfully challenging British Imperialism and domestic capitalism.
• Becoming relevant to the Irish Working Class.
• Agitate, Educate and Organise around issues which are effecting their every day lives.
•  Build a mass movement with organic roots in working class communities the length and breath of Ireland.
• Make socialist republicanism the engine of the peoples resistance.
• Organise the people to empower their communities and popularise the demand for a socialist republic in the process.

In the coming months we will expand on these key tasks and identify and discuss more.

The most pressing task for all socialist republicans is to get active in your community and start building the resistance! By building locally, radicalising our communities and winning people to the idea of a socialist republic a solid lasting base for the revolutionary movement can be established.

Forward to the socialist republic!

Beirígí Bua!

Onwards to Victory- Build the Socialist Repubican Struggle!

Towards A Socialist Republic, is a new site, which aims to put forward clear arguments in favour of  smashing the capitalist system and the establishment of an Irish Socialist Republic!

The team behind this site are active socialist republicans, who feel the need to create a space for debate and discussion of issues of relevance to socialists and republicans, both in Ireland and Internationally.

We also aim to use this site to promote socialist republicanism amongst the Irish Working Class and to re-popularise the writings of great Irish socialist republicans such as James Fintan Lalor, James Connolly, Liam Mellows and Seamus Costello.  The writings of these heroic socialist republican activists can provide important advice and teachings for those struggling for socialism today.

As we begin this project, capitalism is in its deepest crisis of our era. It is becoming abundantly clear to many millions across the globe that capitalism is not working. Different solutions are being put forward that aim to end the crisis. It is our opinion ‘that from socialism alone, can the salvation of mankind come’. Capitalism cannot be reformed- it must be overthrown.

We believe, as did James Connolly, that ‘Only the Irish working class remain as the incorruptible inheritors of the fight for Freedom In Ireland ‘.  

We assert that the class struggle and the struggle for national liberation are one and the same. There can be no parliamentary road to socialism. In the fight to establish an Irish Socialist Republic, domestic capitalism and British and European imperialism must be overthrown by a mass movement for socialism. We are aware that this is no easy task. Our explioters will not give up their power without a fight. However we believe the conditions of the latest capitalist crisis are very favourable for a re-popularisation of Irish Socialist Republicanism!

We believe that by using the writings of Marx, Lenin, Connolly and Costello as a guide, and applying their teachings to the conditions of Ireland in the 21^st century, the Irish Working Class has a roadmap to victory!

This site will offer comment on current affairs from an unashamedly socialist republican position. We will put forward the Irish case for socialism, and assess the current social, cultural, economic, and political conditions of today’s Ireland.

To broaden the debate, we also invite articles and comments from other socialists and republicans and will share interesting articles from our international comrades that may be of interest to the struggle in Ireland.

If you are interested in submitting an article for consideration for this site, please email towardsasocialistrepublic@gmail.com

‘Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools of thought contend’

Forward to the socialist republic!

Beirígi Bua!